CHRONOLOGY – CHHATRAPATI SHAHU MAHARAJ

It would be beneficial if a chronology of the events up to Shahu’s death is provided at this stage.

Date	Events
12 December 1721	Nanasaheb’s birth.
11 January 1730	Nanasaheb’s marriage with Gopikabai.
4 February 1740	Raghunathrao’s Upanayan ritual at Pune.
7 February 1740	Sadashivrao Bhau’s marriage with Parvatibai.
10 April 1740	Aliwardi Khan usurps power in Bengal from Nawab Sarfaraz Khan.
28 April 1740	Senior Bajirao dies.
20 May 1740	Battle of Damalcheri in the Carnatic.
26 May 1740	Nanasaheb departs from Colaba for Pune.
2 June 1740	Sambhaji II arrives at Jejuri.
3 June 1740	Kashibai’s arrival at Pune from the Narmada.
5 June 1740	Nanasaheb departs for Satara.
25 June 1740	Nanasaheb given the protocol robes of the office of the Peshwa.
16 November 1740	Nawab Safdar Ali enters into a secret agreement with the Marathas.
23 November 1740	Nanasaheb leaves for his first northern campaign to Sironj-Bhilsa.
17 December 1740	Chimaji Appa’s death.
24 December 1740	Birubai’s death at Satara.
25 December 1740	Marathas attack the Dutch at Porto Novo in the Carnatic.
December 1740	Tansheth Bhurke given the authority of the royal mint by Shahu.
5 January 1741	Shinde and Holkar capture the Dhar outpost.
7 January 1741	Nizam and Peshwa meet at Edlabad (Muktainagar).
16 January 1741	Tanjore’s Pratapsingh and Raghuji enter into a treaty.
3 March 1741	Nizam arrives at Puntamba to quell Naseer Jung’s revolt.
7 March 1741	Peshwa crosses the Narmada for the northern campaign.
21 March 1741	Battle of Manaparai, Bada Saheb killed.
26 March 1741	Raghuji captures Tiruchirappalli and hands over the control to Murarrao Ghorpade. Chanda Saheb and his eldest son is dispatched to Satara.
13-19 May 1741	Peshwa and Jaisingh meet at Dhaulpur.
27 June 1741	Raghuji felicitated at Satara for a successful Carnatic campaign.
June 1741	Chanda Saheb imprisoned at Satara.
7 July 1741	Nanasaheb returns from Sironj-Bhilsa campaign.
23 July 1741	Naseer Jung defeated at Aurangabad and imprisoned.
7 September 1741	Mughal Badshah issues Malwa grant-notification in favour of Marathas.
18 December 1741	Nanasaheb Peshwa embarks on Prayag-Bengal campaign in the north.
December 1741	Bhaskarram on campaign in Bengal.
11 January 1742	Sarkhel Sambhaji Angre dies.
12 January 1742	Gopikabai returns from Khandesh.
13 January 1742	Dupleix arrives in India.
February 1742	Peshwa cantoned at Chanda. Trimbak Vishwanath riots in Berar.
March 1742	Peshwa captures Gadhamandala.
15 April 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds Aliwardi Khan at Burdwan.
20 April 1742	Manaji Angre comes to Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj.
April 1742	Shinde and Holkar attack Abhay Singh.
April 1742	Bapuji and Damaji attack Malwa.
4 May 1742	Raghuji complains about Peshwa’s incursions into his territories to Shahu.
6 May 1742	Mir Habib attacks Murshidabad with the Marathas.
28 May 1742	Kashibai returns from Rameshwar pilgrimage and embarks on the Kashi pilgrimage.
May-September 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds West Bengal.
29 June 1742	Peshwa encamped at Orchha.
July 1742	Yashwantrao Pawar installed at Dhar.
22 July 1742	Vishwasrao is born.
27 September 1742	Aliwardi raids Bhaskarram at Khatwa.
30 September 1742	Raghuji starts from Nagpur for Bhaskarram’s help.
5 October 1742	Murtuza Ali murders Safdar Ali and assumes the office of Nawab.
November 1742	Jyotiba Shinde and other Maratha Sardars killed in Orchha’s Veersingh’s rebellion.
8 November 1742	Peshwa marches off from Bundelkhand to Bengal.
December 1742	Naro Shankar avenges Orchha massacre. Jhansi established.
January-February 1743	Peshwa completes pilgrimage at Prayag-Kashi-Gaya. Tulaji Angre appointed as Sarkhel.
6 January 1743	Jiwaji Khanderao Chitnis dies.
1 February 1743	Nanasaheb at Prayag.
9 February 1743	Aliwardi Khan returns to Murshidabad after triumphant campaign against Bhosales.
10 March 1743	East India Company ship Winchester leaves from England towards India.
31 March 1743	Peshwa meets Aliwardi Khan.
March 1743	Nizam-ul-Mulk arrives at Arcot.
10 April 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji Bhosale clash at the Bend Pass.
4 May 1743	Raghuji clashes with Aliwardi Khan’s forces.
13 May-20 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu’s health concerns.
19 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu issues grant notification in Babuji Naik’s name.
30 July 1743	Peshwa returns from Prayag-Bengal campaign.
August 1743	Peshwa and Queen Sagunabai reconcile.
August 1743	British and French felicitate the Nizam.
29 August 1743	Murarrao hands over Tiruchirappalli to the Nizam.
31 August 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji meet at Satara and reconcile.
23 September 1743	Sawai Jaisingh dies. Succession dispute arises.
January 1744	Bhaskarram departs for Bengal.
16 January 1744	Peshwa enters into an instalment payment agreement with the Chhatrapati.
1 February 1744	Mahadevbhat Hingne murdered at Delhi.
30 March 1744	Bhaskarram and his 21 colleagues murdered brutally in Mankara camp.
31 May 1744	East India Company’s ship Winchester reaches Madras.
20 November 1744	Peshwa embarks on the Bhilsa campaign.
December 1744	Babuji Naik invades the Carnatic.
23 January 1745	Tulaji Angre captures Govalkot and Anjanvel.
February 1745	Raghuji embarks on the campaign to Bengal.
February 1745	Ishwari Singh defeats Madho Singh.
2 March 1745	Bhopal principal enters into an agreement to pay tribute to the Marathas.
11 March 1745	Ranoji captures Bhilsa station of the Bhopal’s principal.
16 May 1745	Cuttack fort and Odisha province captured.
20 June 1745	Mustafa Khan killed in Battle of Jagdishpur.
1 July 1745	Zakaria Khan, Subedar of Punjab dies.
3 July 1745	Ranoji Shinde dies.
1 August 1745	Peshwa returns from Bhilsa campaign.
21 December 1745	Raghuji defeated at Murshidabad and returns.
16 February 1746	Kashibai leaves Pune on another Kashi pilgrimage.
5 May 1746	Shinde and Holkar capture Jaitpur.
20 August 1746	Sambhaji II leaves for Kolhapur from Satara.
21 September 1746	The French temporarily occupy the city of Madras.
4 October 1746	Madho Singh, Jagat Singh and Umed Singh meet at Nathdwara.
28 October 1746	Peshwa enters into an agreement to install Arjun Singh in Bundelkhand.
31 October 1746	Additional French help marches-off from Pondicherry to help Madras garrison.
25 November 1746	Shripatrao Pratinidhi dies.
17 December 1746	Jagjivanram alias Dadoba Pratinidhi appointed on office. Yamaji Shivdeo appointed Mutalik.
25 December 1746	Amir Khan’s murder.
January 1747	Janoji embarks on campaign to Bengal.
January 1747	Raghuji meets the Nizam and Shahu.
January 1747	Jayappa and Ramchandrababa reconcile.
January 1747	Peshwa sends a warning letter to Chhatrapati Shahu.
January 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau wins his first battle at Ajra near Kolhapur.
January-March 1747	Nanasaheb deposed from the office of the Peshwa.
27 January 1747	Vitthal Shivdeo captures Antri.
9 February 1747	Jaipur’s Dewan Aayamal dies. Son Keshavdas appointed the Pradhan.
23 February 1747	Kashibai performs Shraadh ritual at Gaya.
1 March 1747	Battle of Rajmahal. Madho Singh defeated.
7 March 1747	Madho Singh sues for peace, temporary truce.
30 March 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau meets Murarrao Ghorpade on his Carnatic campaign.
7 March 1747	Peshwa meets Maharaj and submits offerings.
March 1747	Kashibai returns from the northern pilgrimage.
13 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu confers upon Nanasaheb the protocol robes and elephant and restores him to the office of the Peshwa.
15 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu visits the Peshwa’s camp and meets him.
1 May 1747	Raghuji arrives at Satara, Sagunabai presents him protocol garments.
3 May 1747	Shahu felicitates Tulaji Angre at Satara.
9 May 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau returns from the Carnatic campaign and meets the Peshwa at Jejuri.
24 May 1747	Nanasaheb arrives at Pune.
29 May 1747	Peshwa captures Manikgad fort belonging to Manaji Angre.
7 June 1747	Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Babuji Naik’s brother Aabaji Naik’s wife) dies.
19 June 1747	Nadir Shah’s murder, rise of Ahmedshah Abdali.
July 1747	Sheti Mallick secretly inquires about Nanasaheb’s behaviour.
25 October 1747	Naro Appaji appointed over Pune’s administration.
7-10 December 1747	Peshwa on Newai campaign.
10 December 1747	Tulaji captures the Mudagad fort belonging to the Peshwas.
25 December 1747	Yahya Khan, Punjab’s Subedar Zakaria Khan’s son escapes from Lahore.
1747	Najeeb Khan (Rohilla) arrives in Hindustan and starts serving Ali Ahmed.
1747	Construction of Parvati temple begins.
1748	Sabaji invades Bengal.
8 January 1748	Abdali on the outskirts of Lahore.
15 January 1748	Peshwa captures the Rajkot fortress at Chaul.
12 January 1748	Abdali captures Lahore.
February-March 1748	Pratinidhi etc. clash with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad.
10 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Panipat on its way to attack Abdali.
26 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Sirhind on its way to attack Abdali.
February 1748	Peshwa meets the Badshah at Delhi.
19 March 1748	Tulaji Angre meets Chhatrapati Shahu at Satara.
21 March 1748	Battle of Manupur begins, Abdali defeated by Ahmedshah and Safdarjung.
1 April 1748	Naro Rayaji Thakur defeats Tulaji Angre at Mudagad and captures the fort.
11 April 1748	Abdali halts at the River Indus on his retreat.
25 April 1748	Badshah Mohammedshah (Rangeela) dies.
28 April 1748	News of Badshah’s death reaches Ahmedshah at Panipat.
30 April 1748	Madho Singh meets Peshwa at Newai.
April 1748	Mir Mannu and Abdali defeated at Lahore.
12 May 1748	Abdali reaches back at Kandahar.
21 May 1748	Nizam-ul-Mulk Asafjah dies.
June 1748	Muzaffar Jung and Chanda Saheb meet at Satara. Chanda Saheb released from imprisonment.
9 July 1748	Peshwa returns from Newai campaign.
24 July 1748	Peshwa returns Manikgad to Manaji Angre.
10 August 1748	Holkar defeats Ishwari Singh at Wagru.
25 August 1748	Queen Sagunabai dies while at Jejuri.
30 November 1748	Vazir Safdarjung survives an assassination attempt at Delhi.
10 February 1749	Nanasaheb and Raghunathrao visit Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu.
9 March 1749	Vishwasrao’s Upanayan ceremony at Pune.
March 1749	Naseer Jung embarks on campaign to the north.
4 May 1749	Naseer Jung returns from the campaign to Delhi from the Narmada’s banks.
19 June 1749	Marwad’s ruler Abhay Singh dies.
3 August 1749	Battle of Amboor, Anwaruddin dies, Ali Ahmed Rohilla dies.
21 August 1749	Peshwa goes to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar and the army.
1 October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj issues his own handwritten document about the future administrative system of the kingdom.
13 October 1749	Tulaji Angre carries off British ship Restoration.
October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu invites Raghuji (to assume throne), but he declines.
22 November 1749	Qaim Khan Bangash dies, son Ahmed Khan assumes his throne.
15 December 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu dies at Shahunagar – Satara. Dadoba and Yamaji arrested.
30 December 1749	Sadashivrao Bhau departs Pune for Satara.
December 1749	Safdarjung captures Ballamgad belonging to the Jats.

To be continued…

IN A FLUX

The failure of Babuji Naik was not just due to his own faults. He had detractors from within the Maratha fold, including the Peshwa himself. Not only did the Peshwa prove to be sufficient for Babuji Naik and Sambhaji II, but he also rendered powerful men like Raghuji Bhosale and Murarrao Ghorpade completely harmless. The Peshwa’s trusted lieutenants were working on this task sitting at their courts continuously. Whether it was Raghuji or Murarrao, both realised the situation correctly, did not allow anybody outside to fathom their hearts, and kept behaving as the events unfolded. Since they completely recognised the Peshwa’s strength, they never took it upon themselves to oppose him.

Nanasaheb returned to Satara in August 1748. By then, two stalwarts on the Indian scene had departed from the scene. Mohammedshah died before the victorious army from Manupur could return to Delhi. His son Ahmedshah was declared the new Badshah, with Mansoor Ali Khan Safdarjung appointed as the new Vazir. The Nizam-ul-Mulk died on 21 May 1748 at Burhanpur. He had, in twenty-four turbulent years in the Deccan, managed to survive and control the narrative of the politics in the peninsula. Despite the strength of the Marathas and their victories over him, he had astutely avoided being removed from his perch. The crisis during Nadir Shah’s invasion had placed him in real danger. However, with his cleverness and patience, he had extricated himself from the most difficult situations. His death, however, threw up yet another succession dispute after Jaipur.

On his way back from the north, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung, perhaps in July or August 1748. A letter from the Nizam’s court to Sadashivrao Bhau dated October 1748 gives more details, “The Nizam has met Rajashree Pradhanpant. The Nawab has given four lakh rupees to him for expenses. Treasure laden on thirty camels came to the Pradhanpant.”

After Nizam-ul-Mulk died, in the month of October 1748, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung and established friendly relations with him. The death of rulers of Jaipur and Hyderabad unleashed a race for succession due to a surfeit of claimants. In the case of the Marathas, Shahu not having a legitimate son, and getting on in years, had not found an answer to the vexed question of succession. His queens, and the dowager queen Tarabai – now nearing seventy and living at Satara – and a host of Maratha Sardars and intriguing ministers began to influence the succession. The struggle involved a concern for the royal lineage, the house of Kolhapur, the caste-divide of the Brahmins, Marathas and other castes, and to top it all, a descendant of the royal house of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj brought up in obscurity. Eventually, this was to occupy two full years of Nanasaheb’s reign when huge political changes were sweeping over the rest of the country.

On hearing the death of Mohammedshah and the Nizam, Dupleix felt the Marathas would grow stronger. He said to Ananda Ranga Pillai, “There will be war and the Marathas will grow still stronger. Since the Nawab of Bengal died, the Marathas have seized his brother and are ruling the whole of Bengal. They will do the same here. These things are pre-ordained; the Badshah at Delhi has died and many have perished for no reason at all and there is confusion. We shall see the same things in these parts next.”

Ananda Ranga replied, “Is so much evil awaiting us?”

The coming years would answer Ananda Ranga Pillai’s question.

The Peshwa had consolidated his plans outside by excellently maintaining all his external relations. Bhausaheb had established a permanent bond of friendship with Murarrao in the Carnatic campaign. The Pratinidhi, Sawants etc. fought with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad. In it, Sambhaji II insisted with Murarrao to help Tulaji. But he did not play any role in that affair. Overall, each and every influential person stayed glued to their spot towards Shahu’s end of days.

The discerning people all over the kingdom were watching what plan Shahu decided. A general feeling spread everywhere, that nobody could control the kingdom like the Peshwa, and it was appropriate to seek his refuge. It was clearly evident that Sadashivrao Bhau went to the Carnatic and blew Babuji Naik away. This event portrayed Sadashivrao Bhau’s character in sharp relief, even more aggressive than Nanasaheb.

To be continued…

MUTUAL ANIMOSITY CONTINUES

The Peshwa was near Jaipur at the time of Mudagad campaign. Ramchandrababa in a letter to Nanasaheb Peshwa on 1 April 1748 described the entire campaign and ended the letter saying, “Mudagad was settled by the Swami. It was lost and fell into ruins earlier. Tulaji Angre had built the fort again and settled some people atop it. From there, he would indulge into raiding to plunder all the outposts in the Panhala province. He had wrought an absolute havoc. It was like he had begun a complete annihilation. Upon that, Bawda’s Bhagwantrao, Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Wadi’s Sawant, Appaji Angre all joined together took five hundred cavalrymen and eight to ten thousand infantrymen, attacked Mudagad and captured it. They burnt and polished off all the region from Rajapur up to Sangameshwar. A serious warning has thus been given to Tulaji Angre without any effort on the part of Your Honour. It is necessary for Your Honour to reward Appaji Angre adequately… There were defections at the fort of Suvarnadurg. Tulaji Angre personally went there and found twenty defectors. They were all killed. The Konkan is reduced to ash. Tulaji Angre might come to Satara for the Swami’s meeting on the Varshapratipada (Gudhipadwa, Hindu new year).”

Even in the Rajkot battle, Yesaji alias Appaji Angre fought on the Peshwa’s side. Appaji Angre’s help in Mudagad and Revdanda brought him into favour with Shahu. Earlier, there had been a move to appoint Appaji Angre as the Sarkhel in place of Tulaji, and he even sent a few letters with a seal calling himself as one. However, when Tulaji heard of the possibility, a few of his followers pretending to have differences with him, joined Appaji. At the earliest opportunity, probably before May 1748, these men murdered Appaji. However, there is some uncertainty about this as Appaji is also said to have moved to Gwalior where he continued to stay with his family.

The activities of Tulaji in south Konkan continued. In May 1748, he captured three forts from his neighbours, and the matter was reported to Shahu. Shahu commanded that the forts be returned, or armies will be sent to remedy the aggression. A perturbed Shahu also declared that if the Peshwa did not send his army, he would lead an army himself.

Manaji’s wavering loyalty was always a source of anxiety to the Marathas. The Peshwa could not hold Manikgad for long. On Nanasaheb’s return from the campaign to the north, the Manikgad affair was closed on 24 July 1748, when he ordered Ramaji Mahadev that the fort should be returned to Manaji Angre.

In 1748, Tulaji went south to Cannanore. Commodore William James’ fleet was attacked near Vijaydurg in October 1749 and his ship ‘Restoration’ was carried off to the fort. A British report said, “The engagement began at 11 at night and on the 13 October 1749 about noon, it being calm, she was boarded on all quarters, when the vessel was taken and the same day carried into Gheria.”

Tulaji continued his attacks on British ships when he attacked Commodore Lisle, and in 1753, he even attacked a much larger Dutch ship with fifty guns on it. At this time, Tulaji himself was in touch with the British and sent proposals of peace to the Company. The Company replied that they “would willingly embrace (the proposal) if he could deposit lakh of rupees as a security for his not taking any ships or vessels belonging to them, for which sum he would receive an annual interest.” Tulaji, however, refused to give any security to the Company for keeping his word after he took Anjanvel.

The Company’s letter also went on to complain about Manaji Angre saying, “we are at peace, yet he frequently plunders our defenceless boats.”

The last part of the letter from the British asked the Peshwa to take measures to stop the plundering of mercantile ships, “I think it would greatly benefit your dominions as well as for the Honourable Company’s interest if you in your prudence should take some effectual measures for rooting out all the pirates on this coast, and for this purpose I am always ready to assist. Some months back, Sambhajiraja (of Kolhapur) advising me he intended march against Gheria (Vijaydurg). I then showed him how willingly inclined I was to take any good measures for effecting so necessary a work.” The mention of the ruler of Kolhapur shows that his possessions in the south Konkan around the fort of Sindhudurg were also subject to Tulaji’s depradations.

Tulaji Angre’s arrogance is expressed in his next utterances, “Yamajipant and Antaji Shivdeo came to Satara. You wrote that there is news that there have been some disturbances beneath the fort, in this regard, such acts belong to real men. Whoever wishes to, should get their doubts cleared. (We) Don’t count anybody in this regard. To top it, in this province, the subject means a group of Bhudevs (Brahmins), and apart from them, the thoughts about forts and fortresses are well-known (12 June 1755).”

This way, the animosity between Manaji, Tulaji Angre and the Peshwa went on increasing with time.

To be continued…

MUDAGAD & RAJKOT

Before the Manikgad affair of Manaji was resolved, Tulaji’s activities became unbearable. Towards the end of 1747, Tulaji Angre captured Mudagad and had wrought a huge havoc in the Konkan and plateau realms belonging to Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Bawda’s Pant Amatya Bhagwantrao, Wadi’s Sawant, and the Peshwa.

Going back to 1735, Bajirao Peshwa had promised Sambhaji Angre that he would not attack the fort of Mudagad, which lay strategically on one of the three Ghat paths from the kingdom of Kolhapur towards Vijaydurg. The fort commanded a large territory encompassing the fiefs of several Sardars of Kolhapur and Satara. However, to safeguard these areas, Bajirao broke his promise and demolished Mudagad. And this was not forgotten by Sambhaji or Tulaji Angre.

The Mudagad Fort is on the face of Sahyadri, at the mouth of Kajirda Ghat. In 1747, just after the death of Shripatrao Pratinidhi of Satara, Tulaji returned to the mountain and rebuilt fort Mudagad. From this perch in the Sahyadri mountains, Tulaji then began to attack territories of the potentates who were friendly to the Peshwa. Tulaji first moved towards Vishalgad fort and laid siege to it. The surrounding villages were taken over and taxes were levied, one of which was called the Habshipatti (a tax levied on account of the Habshi or Siddis).

The Peshwa wrote to Tulaji asking him not to charge the tax on the territory. He reminded Tulaji that even his father Kanhoji never collected taxes or troubled the people in this area. Brahmendra Swami also wrote to Bhagwantrao Amatya stating it is everybody’s desire to punish Tulaji, and taking the help of Sawants and the Pratinidhi, this should be done. It became clear that only an armed intervention would force Tulaji to leave the area.

One of the employees with the Pratinidhi was a Naro Rayaji Gode. Gode volunteered to go to the Sawants and raise men to join the army against Tulaji. Accordingly, Gode brought two thousand men from the Wadi’s Sawants and with the three thousand men from the Pratinidhi, formed an army. Tulaji’s brother Yesaji alias Appaji Angre joined the above rulers and fought against him. Gode personally led the attack on Mudagad. The battle was fierce, but Gode won a complete victory. He then proceeded to demolish the fort completely, ploughing it with an ass and marking the spot with “a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie” (Vahan-Kowrie means a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie tied together as a symbol of desertion of a place). Then, Appaji Angre, along with the Pratinidhi, Amatya and Sawant, devastated Tulaji’s territory from Rajapur to Sangameshwar. From the month of January 1748 up to March 1748, this campaign occurred including many big and small battles.

Here, Shahu himself was also unhappy about Manikgad affair, and in early 1748 wrote to Sadashivrao Bhau to return the fort to Manaji Angre. Shahu wrote, “The fort of Manikgad and the surrounding region belonging to Manaji Angre was taken by you and it should be returned immediately. You have the Deshmukhi of Chaul, however, you are not running it well. This should first be done. The revenue from Kalyan and Bhiwandi amounting to fifteen thousand per year should also reach us. The Wajaratmab (Manaji Angre) is an old and loyal servant of the king. You should help him in any way you can. The moment you receive this letter, without further delay, the fort must be returned. In this manner, you will not disturb the goodwill towards you from the king and the two Wadas (mansions / queens). You are prudent enough.”

On losing Manikgad, Manaji countered by seeking help from the Portuguese at Rajkot, his fort near Chaul (which had three forts, Rajkot was with Manaji, while Revdanda and Korlai were with the Peshwa). While Tulaji Angre was struggling to save Mudagad, the Peshwa was fighting with Manaji at Chaul’s Rajkot. Chaul harbour originally belonged to the Portuguese. When Vasai fell, they had given it to the British. But the Peshwa felt that he should capture it. When the Peshwa captured Manikgad and other stations belonging to Manaji Angre, he opposed the Peshwa and went to Chaul to the Portuguese seeking their succour. A letter from Ramaji Mahadev gives some details of Manaji Angre taking away some ships of the Peshwa’s navy and his own countermeasures. Manaji’s brother Appaji Angre was also with Ramaji at this time and intriguing with the men at Rajkot, “I have asked Shankarpant to come from Ghodbunder to Thal so that Manaji himself will come and oppose us. Once he does, we will defeat him all at once. Between Vasai and Thane, we have six Ghurabs and thirty Galbats and some smaller boats. Appaji Angre is working on the politics in Rajkot. Near Revdanda, Manaji himself with nine ships came face to face with Bajirao Belose. There was a battle. His own ship sprung many a leak, and he was defeated.”

Revdanda was a short distance to the south of Rajkot. Manaji began a massive cannonade from Rajkot on Revdanda. Ramaji wrote to the Peshwa that the fire was intolerable. He decided then to bring his armada into Revdanda harbour, and fire at Rajkot from the ships, while an attacking party attacks by land. Ramaji assured the Peshwa that the harbour at Revdanda was so good that the armada would be safe even if Tulaji or the Portuguese came to help Manaji. Rajkot was captured soon after. Manaji himself led the defence at Rajkot, however, he had to flee in the face of the strong Maratha attack. A minaret in a mosque at Rajkot had been used to fire guns at the Maratha navy. On 15 January 1748, Rajkot and the mosque were captured, and the Peshwa’s permission sought to demolish them.

Ramaji Mahadev fought with both the Portuguese and the British, “besieged Chaul’s Rajkot. On 15 January 1748, the high fortress and the Masjid within were captured through the prowess of Swami’s virtues. The fortress and the Masjid should be destroyed. Then Manaji Angre will not trouble much and come to meet face-to-face.”

To be continued…

MANIKGAD AFFAIR

Tulaji’s brother Manaji Angre was not always an ally of the Maratha power. The taking of Vasai, the founding of a separate navy, the Peshwa’s possession of nearby places such as Uran and Karanje, were perceived as a constant threat to him. Hoping to capitalise on the Portuguese ambition to take back Vasai, he sought an alliance with them against the Peshwa. A letter from the Portuguese Viceroy to Lisbon in February 1745 says, “The Angre of Colaba has sent an envoy to me. Although he has come here only on a goodwill visit, the reason behind his dispatch here is different. He has brought a secret message of his master that if I wish to take back Karanje (Uran) and Vasai from the Marathas, he is prepared to help me in that venture. His reason is that the proximity of the Peshwa is irksome to him. Had I another 2000 disciplined soldiers, I would have attacked Vasai myself.”

Shahu himself was not entirely happy with Tulaji and he wrote to the British in October 1745 that, “he would try Angre a little further before they entirely broke with him, but if he did not alter his behaviour, they could not afford him a much longer forebearance.”

Evidently, everything was not well. Shahu had reservations about Tulaji. The ill-feeling between the Peshwa and Tulaji did not abate. The efforts to undermine each other continued and this would lead to a storm that would affect the power balance on the west coast. All this, however, was still some distance away.

The British attempt to block the capture of Govalkot and Anjanvel and help the Siddis further aggravated Tulaji, and he struck at Tellicherry, the British port in the Malabar in late 1745, where he got away with two British ships. In early 1746, he took three more British ships off the coast of Gujarat.

Later, on 3 May 1747, Tulaji went to Satara and met the Maharaj. “The Pratinidhi went afore himself and brought Tulaji to the Maharaj. After they approached the tiger emblems, Rajashree also went afore. Tulaji approached and kept his head at the Maharaj’s feet. He presented Maharaj with the protocol platter of gold coins. He showered the Maharaj with flowers made of gold and silver. Rajashree also covered him with protocol shawl. After that he was brought into the mansion and made to sit in front of the room of the elder Queen. He informed, that he wanted to place his head at her feet face-to-face. The Queen was satisfied. Maharaj’s permission was brought. However, Maharaj was a little taken aback due to this. Tulaji went and placed his head at the Queen’s feet. After that, he also went and presented himself in front of the room of younger Queen. But there, he dispatched the protocol presents to her, and dropped meeting her in person.” This way, Tulaji was felicitated well externally, but the settlement of the Angre possessions amongst the brothers did not occur as per his liking.

The dispute over the fort of Manikgad tested how far the Peshwa could go in relation to the Angres. Manikgad was a fort controlled by Manaji, located on the Panvel crossroads, east of the creek of Rewas, not far from the present-day road from Khalapur to Panvel. Aiming to reduce Manaji’s power, Ramaji Mahadev first moved against Manikgad in a surprise attack at night. The attack party left Uran and employing ladders, climbed the fort and the unsuspecting garrison was overcome. The Havildar in charge, along with twenty others, was killed and the fort captured on 29 May 1747. When news about the capture of Manikgad reached Satara, it met with a strong disapproval.

Manaji got angry and himself rushed to Satara where Sagunabai took Manaji’s side and raised a huge outcry against the Peshwa. Shahu welcomed him warmly and awarded him with an elephant. The said elephant has left us an anecdote of Manaji’s great personal strength. The elephant got out of control, escaped from the stable causing destruction in its wake. It would not listen to anybody. Manaji went, caught it and brought it back to the stable. An elephant was a great honour in those times, and Manaji during his stay at Satara visited the place where the pachyderm was secured. To his surprise, he found the elephant improperly secured and out of control. Keeping his wits about him, Manaji managed to tie up the elephant’s hind legs and immobilise him (indeed, this was a traditional example to describing great personal strength; a similar description exists for Shuja-ud-Daulah of Awadh in the Bhausaheb Bakhar too). He then sent for the mahouts accusing them of negligence and not serving him despite their being servants of the Peshwa. Manaji was praised profusely, but the Peshwa’s Mahouts and him engaged in name-calling each other, and came to fisticuffs.

The Manikgad affair lingered for a few months, when Nanasaheb was at Delhi to meet Mohammedshah and resolve the Jaipur succession issue. Shahu’s queen Sagunabai was unhappy about the Manikgad affair and on 13 July 1747, Purandare wrote to the Peshwa and Bhau, “Sagunabai said, ‘Is it your desire to completely uproot Manaji Angre? The fort was taken by deceit. You had taken an oath at the feet of the king and me that such things will not happen. How will we believe you now? Now on, we can have anything in common only if the fort is returned.’”

To be continued…

ANJANVEL & GOVALKOT

In a letter dated 11 March 1745, Tulaji wrote, “Rajashree Yesaji Bhosale had planned to get down the Ghats beneath Mahimatgad along with his force, and harm us. So, you wrote that Rajashree Swami and revered mother Baisaheb had dispatched Rajashree Banba to bring Yesaji Bhosale to them. We understand what he would do coming here. Those coming here should have thought what would be the effect and how they would survive. If they decided to come even after this, then our policy of respect must be changed to disrespect. It was good that the Swami turned his forces around. Whoever tries to move a muscle here, would be defeated.”

The British had written to Nanasaheb on 15 January 1745 laying their grievance about Tulaji before the Peshwa, “You cannot but be sensible to the robberies and injuries Tulaji and his predecessors have committed upon the Honourable British Company and those under their protection to the amount of an immense sum which naturally obliges me to take all opportunities of distressing him.”

The letter further gives the importance of Anjanvel for the Marathas and the Peshwa’s own trade from inland territories, since that was the main route by which the British brought and sent goods inland. The route would close once Anjanvel fell into Tulaji’s hands, and the Peshwa would lose revenue, “The port of Anjanvel is to be wished in any hands than Tulaji, in being the only one left which has greatly contributed to the increase of your revenue and consequently the enriching of your dominions.”

Capturing the Govalkot and Anjanvel forts from the Siddis became an important objective for Shahu. He urged his Peshwa to write to his good friends at Bombay, to desist from helping the Siddis, so that Tulaji could take the forts. Taking into consideration the strained relations with Tulaji, Nanasaheb wrote a rather roundabout letter to the British on 18 January 1745 transmitting his sovereign’s request, “Your Honour already knows it is the Raja’s order that Anjanvel and Govalkot should be taken. He has now directed Tulaji Angre to besiege both places, but as he considers Tulaji and you are at variance, and that you may molest his fleet, he orders me to write Your Honour not to do so, or to succour the Siddis, to this purpose; I have before written to you and now do the like. Angre now besieges those places, therefore. I desire you will consider of what I now write you, and as you know what will increase our friendship, you will act accordingly about this business. I have given orders to Tukaram and he will inform Your Honour…”

Later, Maharaj granted the office of Sarkhel to Tulaji, gave him one of the contingents of Fatehsingh Bhosale, and asked Jiwaji Khanderao Chitnis along with the force, provisions and treasury to accompany him. On 23 January 1745, Govalkot and Anjanvel were captured by Tulaji, and he himself wrote the account for the same on 27 January 1745 as follows, “To Rajashree Balaji Raghunath Gosavi, Sarkhel Rajashree Tulaji Angre presents his wishes. We had besieged Anjanvel, and on the second day of the waxing moon fortnight of the month of Magha, Monday, I myself boarded the naval ship, while also attacking the fort from the landward side along with the whole army, we captured it two hours in the day. Writing this for your information. The moment the news about Anjanvel’s fall reached Siddi Yakut at Govalkot, he ran away with ten of his men. The people who had been left behind, tried to entice some of Chiplun’s soldiery to their side, and had acquired their standard and men from that fortress. We had dispatched our navy over Govalkot. They sent one gentleman for negotiations with message, that their act of flying our standard was fine, but take our two hundred men inside the fort. They shouted from the top of the fort disallowing them to approach it. They also opened up a right barrage of cannon- and gunfire over our men. Due to that, five to ten of our men were injured. But they attacked the fort in the afternoon. Thirteen to fourteen hundred men attacked from the water as well. Govalkot was also captured on the Thursday. Writing this satisfactory news for your information. You are our representative at the court. Keep writing about the happenings at court regularly. What more to write about this. Keep your benevolent eye upon us.” Balaji Raghunath Vaidya was Tulaji’s representative kept at Shahu’s court at Satara. This letter was written to him on 25 January 1745.

A happy Shahu congratulated Tulaji and renamed the forts as Gopalgad and Govindgad. The capture finally confirmed Tulaji’s appointment as the Sarkhel of the Maratha fleet.

To be continued…

SARKHEL TULAJI ANGRE

Manaji Angre did not want Chimaji Appa to have the fort of Chaul and Revdanda, located so close to Colaba, and represented to the Portuguese that he will even pay for their upkeep. However, his efforts were in vain and the Portuguese-Maratha treaty was finalised in October 1740. In the same month, Manaji tried to take over Chaul, but the Portuguese foiled his attempt to do so.

The Portuguese gave the forts to the Marathas in exchange for two villages in Bardesh near Goa and the fort of Daman. At this time, the Portuguese envoy asked for some more territory around Daman, which was refused. Chimaji told the envoy, “Like Bajirao, it is my desire to drive the Portuguese out of India. However, I did not do so in order to favour the British.”

The muted antagonism between the British and Maratha powers had disappeared after Vasai, and the Maratha court looked at the British favourably. There was ample evidence that Chhatrapati Shahu, represented by the Peshwa, and the Maratha navy headed by Sambhaji Angre did not see eye to eye. Keeping in mind the hostility with Sambhaji Angre and the now-on now-off friendship with Manaji, the Portuguese-Maratha treaty of 1740, with prophetic prescience, had this clause, “when we fight with the Angre, the Portuguese will support us in all respects including their warships.”

Although, Shahu did not give up his efforts to bring the Sarkhel fully under his authority, he could achieve only partial success. The capture of Sashti and Vasai in 1739 and Chaul and Korlai from the Portuguese in 1740, had afforded the Peshwa new places to set his own Navy to sea. The island of Arnala near Vasai was used for building new warships. This fleet was outside the command of the Angres and the British feared that the greater resources of the Peshwa would soon allow it to grow rapidly.

The Portuguese, however, had not yet come to terms with the loss of Vasai. On 12 November 1741, Sambhaji Angre wrote to the Viceroy at Goa, “If you wish to recapture Vasai, please let me know and I will secretly make the necessary arrangements.”

The Portuguese too responded on 2 December 1741, agreeing to such a treaty and recommending a unity in operations at sea between the two powers. However, before a treaty could be taken any further, Sambhaji Angre died on 11 January 1742. His death once again opened the issue of succession between Manaji and Tulaji Angre, both sons of Kanhoji by the same mother. Before this, dividing the Angre possessions in two parts, the elder brother Sambhaji had been appointed as Sarkhel and installed at Vijaydurg, while the younger brother Manaji had been appointed as Wajaratmab and installed at Colaba. It was not appropriate to divide the possessions like this. But the Peshwa had felt at the time that this plan was beneficial to him in that it had helped keep the two Angres under his check. After Sambhaji’s death, Manaji went to meet Shahu Maharaj at Satara, trying to secure the office of the Sarkhel for himself since he was next in line for the inheritance. Maharaj announced, whoever frees two most important locations, Anjanvel and Govalkot, from the Siddis the office of the Sarkhel would be conferred upon them. It was a matter of deep shame that the efforts to capture these two locations had been going on for so many years till then. Yamaji Shivdeo was mediating on behalf of Manaji. Later, Tulaji Angre took up the adventure of freeing those two locations, and Yamaji Shivdeo stood guarantee, upon which the office of the Sarkhel was given to Tulaji by Shahu. In 1743, Tulaji seems to have been referred to with an epithet of Sarkhel. While at Satara, Manaji submitted written complaints against the Peshwa and Ramaji Mahadev to the Chhatrapati. In it, the main complaint was that the Peshwa had captured his stations like Paalgad, Mirgad, Uran etc. belonging to him. But Shahu could not resolve these complaints.

From the time Tulaji took over as Sarkhel in 1742, his attacks on the British shipping hurt the Company to the extent of five lakh rupees a year. In 1743, he attacked their ketch (usually a two-mast sailboat approximately 40 feet long) called Salamander, which took shelter in the fort of Colaba. In November 1743, a twelve-hour gun-battle with a British convoy and several of Tulaji’s ships was followed by another on the first day of December 1743, when Tulaji’s Ghurabs had to flee from the scene. When Tulaji attacked forts of Govalkot and Anjanvel in 1744, the British sent two ships named ‘Restoration’ and ‘Bombay’ to thwart his bid.

To be continued…

ANGLO-MARATHA ALLIANCE

The defeat of the Portuguese at Vasai in May 1739 at the hands of the Marathas, led to their territories shrinking to Goa and a few outposts. The forts of Korlai and Chaul held by them were south of Colaba and had a garrison of eight hundred men. However, given their weak position, the Portuguese decided not to retain possession of these and wrote to the British whether they would be willing to take over Chaul and Korlai. The British discussed this offer of the Portuguese Viceroy and wrote back that rather than allow Manaji to get the possession of these strongholds, and the Siddis being too weak to be able to hold them, they should be offered to Shahu. The British refused to take over the forts saying, “Our situation is now so dangerous, as lays upon us a necessity to keep measures with these new neighbours, who would immediately be alarmed with jealousies on our application to the Shahuraja’s court.”

They concluded, “So that there remains no choice but the Marathas, whose effects are already so powerful that the reduction of the whole coast to their obedience seems infallible and sooner or later they cannot fail to get possession of these forts.”

The Marathas at Sashti, only across a narrow strip of water from Bombay, were thus considered such a threat that they did not wish to excite the suspicions of Bajirao and Chimaji by taking over these forts. The Portuguese signed a treaty with the Marathas thereafter, by which the forts of Chaul and Korlai would be handed over to them.

Eventually, it was Sambhaji’s battle with Manaji that did the greatest harm to the power of the Angres as well as the Maratha Navy. In early 1740, when Bajirao and Chimaji Appa were near Aurangabad fighting Naseer Jung, Sambhaji once again made a bid to capture Colaba. To save Manaji, Nanasaheb and Chimaji came to the Konkan, as did Captain Inchbird from Bombay. Sambhaji’s fleet was caught between the Maratha land forces and the British fleet, however, Nanasaheb did not accept the British offer to close the issue and allowed Sambhaji to withdraw.

Nanasaheb did, however, imprison Sambhaji’s brother Tulaji Angre, and carried him off to Pune in chains. Sambhaji Angre, a devotee of Brahmendra Swami, requested him to obtain Tulaji’s release. The Swami assured him that he will get it done and wrote to Chimaji and Nanasaheb. The Swami’s request was complied by Chimaji Appa, who wrote, “You have ordered that I should remove the shackles of Tulaji Angre. So, I have written and it is done.”

Nanasaheb too wrote to the Swami, “There is nothing more to me than your order. I have already brought Tulaji to Pune and broken his shackles.”

Manaji was saved from Sambhaji in April 1740, but the loss of Karanje and Elephanta island to the Peshwa’s army stung him. He felt that the growing power of the Peshwa would soon overwhelm him. He, therefore, patched up with Sambhaji.

With distant campaigns to the south, the north, and the east, the Marathas spread across the Indian land mass in the next two years. Sambhaji’s activities in the south Konkan from his stronghold at Vijaydurg contined, while Manaji stayed at Colaba. Captain Inchbird – the most experienced British diplomat who was well-versed with native customs and language – supported a treaty with the Peshwa against Sambhaji. On 16 May 1740, he submitted his report to the Board at the fort of Bombay, “The Marathas are so jealous of Sambhaji’s power and so many hostilities have already passed between them, that they are bent upon reducing him and will in all probability attack him as soon as a proper season will allow of the entering upon action. Chimaji having at present retreated with his forces up country to secure his family interest and succession on Bajirao’s death. They have been likewise very pressing to gain a declaration of our intentions in case of their attacking Sambhaji Angre whether we will assist them with our fleet or not.

“The Board are unanimously of the opinion that in our present situation and state of war with Sambhaji Angre and the little prospect there is of bringing him to any reasonable terms of peace, we cannot do better than embrace the Maratha party, and assist them in any expedition against him.”

At this time, the British were close friends of the Maratha power. They were also united in their opposition to Sambhaji. In separate letters Shahu wrote to the Peshwa and Chimaji that he trusts them and that “they behave with loyalty”. The talk of a combined Anglo-Maratha force attacking Vijaydurg thus began as early as 1740. It was Bajirao and Chimaji’s death in that year that delayed this measure by over a decade.

To be continued…

ANGRE BROTHERS’ DISPUTE

Robert Orme gives a similar description for the Galbats: The gallivats are large row-boats built like the grab, but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding 70 tonnes. They have two masts, of which the mizzen is very slight; the mainmast bears only one sail, which is triangular and very large… In general, the gallivats are covered with a spar deck, made for lightness of bamboos, split; and those only carry petteraroes fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel; but those of the largest size have a fixed deck, on which they mount six or eight pieces of cannon from two to four pounders. They have forty or fifty stout oars and may be rowed four miles an hour.

The Ghurabs were between a hundred and fifty to three hundred tonnes, and broad, narrowing from the middle forwards. They had somewhat larger guns of nine to twelve pounders in the front of the ship as well as on the sides.

Over time, Kanhoji grew in strength and stature and became one of the important Sardars in the administration of Chhatrapati Rajaram, and after his death in 1700, in the reign of his wife Tarabai. Kanhoji later signed a treaty with Balaji Vishwanath Peshwa, promising allegiance to Shahu and obtaining support from the Maratha army when he was threatened by the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British – each of who maintained a sizeable presence on the Konkan coast.

In 1721, ships of the Royal Navy under Commander Matthews came to India. Charles Boone, the Governor of Bombay, once again tried to put down Kanhoji along with Portuguese help. This would not be the first, nor the last time that the Royal Navy joined forces of the East India Company, which at times appears to have the support of the British Government in attacking territories in India and during crucial battles. The major battles that the Company later on won, were with the aid of the British Army and Royal Navy. At this time, Bajirao Peshwa, with an army of six thousand men foiled the attempt. Even as Matthews landed near Colaba to observe the Maratha force, a horseman rode up from behind and injured him with a lance. The defending Portuguese were scattered to the winds by Bajirao and Pilaji Jadhav, while the British were still trying to clamber up the walls of Colaba. A treaty was first signed with the Portuguese at that time. However, the British kept having skirmishes at sea with the Angres.

Kanhoji sent a proposal for peace to the British at Bombay but was rebuffed and called a ‘pirate’. Kanhoji replied, “It little behoves merchants to say that his government was supported by violence, insults, and piracies; for the great Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj founded his kingdom by making war against four kings; and that he himself (Kanhoji) was but his humble disciple; and that he was very willing to favour the merchants trading according to the laws of his country.”

A treaty was eventually signed with the British in 1725, with an exchange of prisoners. The death of Sarkhel Kanhoji Angre in 1729, left his six sons a stirring legacy to live up to. The six children from Kanhoji’s three wives were Sekhoji & Sambhaji, Manaji & Tulaji, Dhondji & Yesaji or Appaji. Sekhoji was the eldest and succeeded his father as the Sarkhel. Sambhaji and Tulaji were then at Vijaydurg while Manaji and the two other brothers stayed at Colaba, which was Kanhoji’s chief base, south of Bombay. The Angres and the Maratha power on the Deccan plateau were in a way complementary to each other, and until the sons of Kanhoji were united, they could guide the destiny of the kingdom. The rivalry amongst the sons of Kanhoji Angre had festered since 1729, when the patriarch died. As long as Sekhoji was in charge, he managed to keep a lid on it.

Sekhoji and Bajirao cooperated in the 1733 campaign against the Siddi of Janjira and captured most of the Siddi’s territory by August that year. In June 1733, Sekhoji had to withdraw from the campaign against the Siddi. Almost apologetically, he wrote to Bajirao, “When you are in the midst of a campaign, to come away is not fair. However, what does one do about disputes in the house?”

Their combined effort by land and sea against Janjira could have succeeded, had Sekhoji not succumbed to a short illness in August 1733. On Sekhoji’s death, Sambhaji was appointed the Sarkhel. However, his brother Manaji at Colaba contested the appointment and Sambhaji insisted on getting possession of the fort of Colaba, which was Kanhoji’s capital. The seeds of future dissension between them were sown at this time.

The eighteenth century, true to its feudal character, saw internecine family feuds over succession. The Angre family rivalry for the next two decades on the west coast, eventually damaged the strength of a unified Maratha naval wing. Without Sekhoji’s moderating influence, the dispute was now out in the open. Sambhaji had his base at the southern coastal fort of Vijaydurg, popularly called Gheria by the Europeans, and he had not joined Shahu and Bajirao’s battle against the Siddis in 1733. As the Siddi obtained help from the British, Janjira could not be captured. After Sekhoji’s death, Bajirao had to come to terms with the survival of the Siddis and return to Pune.

To be continued…

NORTHERN CAMPAIGN

One of the letters of the time displays the eagerness that Nanasaheb and Chimaji Appa showed in seeking the blessings of resident deities and their devotee Brahmins. One such Brahmin, Narayan Dikshit Patankar had sent a consolation letter upon Bajirao’s death. In it, he had written many important instructions and also suggested the bereaved to further expand Raya’s glory. The Peshwa wrote an eminently readable reply to it on 29 September 1740. It expresses the Peshwas’ lofty noble religious nature.

In his initial eight years, Nanasaheb went on four campaigns to the north. The erstwhile documents refer to the campaigns with specific details as follows.

1. Sironj-Bhilsa – From 23 November 1740 to 7 July 1741. Meeting with Sawai Jaisingh at Dhaulpur in the month of May. Gopikabai on campaign.
2. Prayag-Bengal – From 18 December 1741 to 30 July 1743. The armies encamped in the north for the monsoon. Malwa grant-notifications were received. Raghuji Bhosale and Aliwardi Khan initially clashed and the conflict was resolved later. In this campaign, revered mother Kashibai went on a pilgrimage to Kashi and stayed there for five years.
3. Bhilsa – From 20 November 1744 to August 1745.
4. Newai – In 1748.

It is not possible to relate the complete story of any one contemporary affair without constantly keeping in front of one’s mind the various political moves running in faraway places, and the movements and activities of men engaged in those. The Peshwa had to keep his eye everywhere in each of his activities. Recognising the relations with and amongst various entities like Shahu Maharaj at Satara, Raghuji Bhosale in the Carnatic, Badshah in the north, and his Umraos, primarily Nizam and Sawai Jaisingh, the Peshwa had to accomplish his objectives initially. Therefore, even though it is necessary to independently relate any affair by dissecting all the intricacies in it for convenience, one needs to always bear in mind, that the persons and events are always entangled internally.

The specific areas of conquest were farmed out by Shahu Maharaj to various Sardars, and the other nobles could not enter the Mamlat (region) given to another. Yet, disputes did arise in areas that were not clearly defined. There were many tasks before the new Peshwa. The control of the western coast due to a persisting animosity with Sambhaji and Tulaji Angre, the rivalry with the Nizam in the Deccan, and of course the disorder in the Carnatic. However, Bajirao’s unfinished tasks in the north had to be attended to before all these. In November 1740, therefore, Nanasaheb decided to head north. It was decided that Chimaji Appa too would accompany Nanasaheb on the northern campaign. The chief of their aims was to obtain the cession of Malwa from the Mughal Badshah, liaison with Sawai Jaisingh and strengthening Maratha power north of the Narmada.

Many of the erstwhile letters clarify how the whole reason to campaign in the north so immediately after Bajirao’s death. Just two weeks after Bajirao’s death, Janardan, Nanasaheb’s younger brother wrote to the Maratha envoy Mahadevbhat Hingne in Delhi, outlining Maratha aims, “We wrote to you the news about Raya’s death. Presently, your response has been received. It referred to specific political matters. Father’s influence was such that the plan that would otherwise not succeed, would also get accomplished through his virtuous presence. The person travelling to heavenly abode has not carried anything with him. Everything is business-as-usual. After the four months (of monsoons) the politics in Delhi will continue with the support of Rajashree Rajarajendra (Sawai Jaisingh) and through Baburao’s actions. Rajashree Rajarajendra and the late departed Rajashree Rau had much affection for each other. Due to it, many others were fearful to oppose them. So, upon Rau’s death, if Rajarajendra feels disheartened and quits the erstwhile friendship, then it is not correct. It is necessary to ensure that the measures initiated by them are protected. There can be problems due to ‘N’ named person (Nizam-ul-Mulk) who desires to grab the entire Patshahi.” This letter is dated 10 May 1740.

This makes it amply clear, that Nadir Shah had rendered the Empire powerless, and Bajirao had died early. Taking the benefit of these two incidents, the Nizam was trying to increase his dominance at Delhi. The above letter suggested that before Nizam acquires pre-eminence, Jaisingh and Marathas should continue their earlier friendship, and cause for his influence to diminish. Not a single deficiency arose in the Maratha kingdom’s administration because of Bajirao’s death. Nanasaheb arranged for Jaisingh’s original opinion to remain the same, immediately recalled Hingne for a meeting, discussed with him and other advisors, and quickly decided to embark on the northern campaign to lend strength to Jaisingh’s political move. The first and foremost necessity was to maintain the Maratha experience in the minds of the rulers in the north.

To be continued…