SHAHU’S DEFECTS

One cannot say that Shahu did not have any defects at all. The Chhatrapati began a custom of sitting at one place, and taking care of the administrative responsibilities from there, which turned out to be harmful in the end. Since he was not even aware of the geographical condition of the external lands, there would be unnecessary disputes that arose, and unnecessary confusion would be created in administrative affairs. Due to his being distant, the internecine discord amongst the Sardars, which could have been easily resolved by a Commander-in-Chief on the ground, went on increasing for no reason. The campaign against Janjira and the mockery of it in the documents seems to have originated due to the above reason. It was not wrong for him to have taken the Peshwa family under his wings seeing their success, but many times, the arrogance of the Peshwas became taxing for many other Sardars, which could have only been resolved by the master. Shahu’s authority was primarily of the moral form. If it had been blessed with the foil of practical vision, then it would have been more useful. There is no doubt if one considers the capability of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu begins to show himself in poor light. But it is clear from Nanasaheb’s deposition the extent to which Shahu wielded his moral authority sitting at one place. Peshwa and other Sardars, immediately after returning from a campaign, would present a detailed account of their campaign to him in a face-to-face meeting at Satara. Shahu never thought twice before engaging in investigation himself and punishing someone. The people around him would find it difficult to act against Shahu’s wishes. Govindrao Chitnis had become a literal second persona of Shahu. He would ensure Maharaj’s wishes were taken care and tactfully accomplish many different objectives. Shahu too would heed Chitnis’ advice most of the time. Therefore, the Peshwa too, would take care of the wishes of Govindrao Chitnis. He too never took any disadvantage of the trust placed in him.

One other point was defective in Shahu’s administration. It reflects the contemporary public opinion. The principle, “Never disturb the old, never create the new,” was considered important in those days. Shahu adopted the same policy. There is nothing permanent in this world, and if the state’s administration is reformed as per the impending situation, only then a kingdom continues to run successfully. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had absolutely refused the above age-old adage. He had stopped awarding land-parcels to his colleagues as Inams. The moment renowned Sardars like the Mores stood in opposition on the basis of the prestige of their family’s position, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had punished them. He officiated penance ceremonies for those converted forcefully to Islam and brought them back to Hinduism. Seeing these policies, one can see that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj never accepted sticking to the old methods. In this respect, Shahu did not venture on his own to adopt any new policy. Whatever general policy prevailed in the society. Such hereditary rights, protocols, fixed incomes etc. feudal arrangements were harmful for the kingdom if they continued uninterrupted. Shahu issued a general order at the time of his death, that the Peshwas should not intervene in the existing income-arrangements and revenue-rights of the people thereafter. The Peshwa had to face the result of this proclamation immediately. The Sardars began taking care of their income-arrangements. They forgot proving their valour by maintaining armed battalions. General human being tends towards continuing already existing policies as they were. But a circumspect ruler gives appropriate importance to this tendency. This would later reflect in the examples of Madhavrao Peshwa etc. Overall, this was a result of Shahu sitting at one place to run his administration.

Shahu’s overall life had become one with the whole of Maharashtra for around half a century. The stories about this, even though dispersed far and wide, and even though very interesting, they are not easily found by common readers.

There are many interesting legends available around people like Birubai, Jotyaji Kesarkar, Baswantrao Kasurde, Vithoba Khoje, Supe’s Indroji Kadam, Shetya Waghji Sankpal, Hujrya (lackey) Mayaji Fadtare, Mengoji Hukebardar (servant filling up the Hookah). Shahu would always recompense with extreme care and a generous heart any favour done to him. Keeping in mind the previous dutiful service rendered by Jotyaji Kesarkar, Shahu lifted him up to great heights. “He had served Shahu since childhood loyally, and even Shahu had enjoyed his service. Therefore, Maharaj Chhatrapati Swami displayed his grace, and appointed him as the Gumasta (representative agent) of the Chhatrapati’s own Sardeshmukhi Watan-rights. He also appointed him in a place of authority over the standard eighteen workshops within Swarajya. He was given the respectful protocol rights to hold the Zaripatka (saffron standard) in Maharaj’s campaign on the leading elephant, and perform the first ritual worship with the Puranpoli (sweet roti) in the official Holi festival in front of the royal mansion at Satara. When they had arrived in the Deccan at the first halt, Kesarkar had settled down Guruwar Peth there. Maharaj waived off the excise duties for this marketplace, and issued a grant-notification that Kesarkar’s writ would run there with complete authority. When he was ordered to get married, Kesarkar requested the Swami, ‘I am old, eighty years of age. I don’t want to marry now.’ But since Maharaj had blessed him to bear sons, he got married. In some days, he was blessed with two boys. Since he was a hereditary Watan-rights holder of the Kesari village near Sawantwadi, he had taken up the name Kesarkar.”

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…

SADASHIVRAO BHAU – DEBUT

In September 1746, Nanasaheb had begun plans to send an army headed by Chimaji Appa’s son Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. The debut of Sadashivrao Bhau, the Peshwa’s cousin, going into his first campaign occupied Nanasaheb’s attention. It was to be the sixteen-year-old Sadashivrao’s first outing on the battlefield. With the Carnatic becoming an area where Raghuji, Fatehsingh and Babuji were all interested, the Peshwa threw his hat in the ring by deputing Sadashivrao to lead an army there. However, before that, he had obtained the districts of Bednoor, Sondhe, Bankapur, and Saavnoor as his area of conquest from Shahu. To guide Sadashivrao Bhau, Nanasaheb wanted the veteran Pilaji Jadhavraoto accompany him.

On 1 December 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao as follows, “Rajashree Sambhaji Maharaj II’s Tehsils Sondhe, Bednoor, Savnoor, Bankapur etc. principalities have been handed over by the Swami to us. Further, it has been agreed that Rajashree Babuji Naik should not enter those regions. The income from these Tehsils should be collected. It is not like you don’t understand whether those people would hand over the revenue collections without the pressure of the army. Therefore, it is necessary that we send sufficient force there. Secondly, the Portuguese have started a dispute against the Sawants. They have captured two or three outposts belonging to the Sawants. Sawants have been the servants of the government from the beginning. They have served well, which is why helping them is must. So, we have prepared to dispatch a strong army. We have thought that Chiranjeev Rajashree Sadoba should be given leave to proceed on a campaign in that province. In two or four days, Rajashree Swami will give his approval. Chiranjeev has never gone on a campaign. Therefore, you will also need to accompany him. Who else but you! If you are with him, we will be carefree. You and him, along with the force, should go to the religious place of Narasimha Saraswati. Resolve the revenue collections for those principalities and collect whatever possible. On the other side, where the Portuguese have mounted an attack over the Sawants, around two thousand strong army needs to be sent there. Dispatch it and help them. In summary, you have forces along with you, send them to Vasai. You remain ready along with all your contingents. The moment Rajashree Swami provides his permission, we will write to you, when you should immediately ride off and come here. Regards.”

This undoubtedly shows that Nanasaheb had secured Shahu’s permission to dispatch Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. Seeing that Naik would not be able to achieve success, Shahu himself made this arrangement. However, Pilaji was unwell and could not join.

Sadashivrao Bhau left for the Carnatic in December 1746 with the Peshwa keeping track of his movements. Sakharam Bapu, the later Maratha statesman, accompanied Bhau. Bhau first took the strong fort of Bahadur Benda near Koppal from the Nawab of Saavnoor and thirty-six other Parganas. He brought Savnoor under the ambit of Nanasaheb Peshwa’s rule. A secret clause to the treaty was the annual payment of seventy-five thousand rupees to the Peshwa.

Bhau threatened to come down into the plains and attack Goa. The Portuguese took note of his attempt to chastise the ruler of the state of Sondhe, who had helped the Portuguese in an attack on the Bhosales of Sawantwadi, who were under the protection of the Peshwa, “The army of Nana, composed of thirty thousand horses and an infinite infantry, began to march with rumours all over that the march was against Goa. It was rumoured that the army was dispatched to ask the king of Sondhe the reason he had helped us against the Bhosales without Nana’s permission, and to compel the king to surrender the forts of Suppen and Ussua… which he captured sword in hand. Sadoba, a cousin of Nana, a youth of eighteen years who appeared in the camp for the first time with a desire to earn a name… was the commandant of that force… As that army reached as near as three or four marches, I ordered occupation of all narrow passes of the Ghats. I also had the trees cut off and accumulated on the roads to put difficulties in the way of the march. The name of a Maratha creates such a terror in Asia that everyone trembles when it is mentioned.”

The Portuguese Viceroy then opened negotiations with Nanasaheb declaring that he had no intention of attacking Vasai. At Goa, the Viceroy boasted that though all the potentates in the region sent their ambassadors to prostrate at the feet of Sadoba, he sent none. He expressed his happiness when Bhau eventually marched away towards Canara.

To be continued…

MUTUAL ANIMOSITY CONTINUES

The Peshwa was near Jaipur at the time of Mudagad campaign. Ramchandrababa in a letter to Nanasaheb Peshwa on 1 April 1748 described the entire campaign and ended the letter saying, “Mudagad was settled by the Swami. It was lost and fell into ruins earlier. Tulaji Angre had built the fort again and settled some people atop it. From there, he would indulge into raiding to plunder all the outposts in the Panhala province. He had wrought an absolute havoc. It was like he had begun a complete annihilation. Upon that, Bawda’s Bhagwantrao, Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Wadi’s Sawant, Appaji Angre all joined together took five hundred cavalrymen and eight to ten thousand infantrymen, attacked Mudagad and captured it. They burnt and polished off all the region from Rajapur up to Sangameshwar. A serious warning has thus been given to Tulaji Angre without any effort on the part of Your Honour. It is necessary for Your Honour to reward Appaji Angre adequately… There were defections at the fort of Suvarnadurg. Tulaji Angre personally went there and found twenty defectors. They were all killed. The Konkan is reduced to ash. Tulaji Angre might come to Satara for the Swami’s meeting on the Varshapratipada (Gudhipadwa, Hindu new year).”

Even in the Rajkot battle, Yesaji alias Appaji Angre fought on the Peshwa’s side. Appaji Angre’s help in Mudagad and Revdanda brought him into favour with Shahu. Earlier, there had been a move to appoint Appaji Angre as the Sarkhel in place of Tulaji, and he even sent a few letters with a seal calling himself as one. However, when Tulaji heard of the possibility, a few of his followers pretending to have differences with him, joined Appaji. At the earliest opportunity, probably before May 1748, these men murdered Appaji. However, there is some uncertainty about this as Appaji is also said to have moved to Gwalior where he continued to stay with his family.

The activities of Tulaji in south Konkan continued. In May 1748, he captured three forts from his neighbours, and the matter was reported to Shahu. Shahu commanded that the forts be returned, or armies will be sent to remedy the aggression. A perturbed Shahu also declared that if the Peshwa did not send his army, he would lead an army himself.

Manaji’s wavering loyalty was always a source of anxiety to the Marathas. The Peshwa could not hold Manikgad for long. On Nanasaheb’s return from the campaign to the north, the Manikgad affair was closed on 24 July 1748, when he ordered Ramaji Mahadev that the fort should be returned to Manaji Angre.

In 1748, Tulaji went south to Cannanore. Commodore William James’ fleet was attacked near Vijaydurg in October 1749 and his ship ‘Restoration’ was carried off to the fort. A British report said, “The engagement began at 11 at night and on the 13 October 1749 about noon, it being calm, she was boarded on all quarters, when the vessel was taken and the same day carried into Gheria.”

Tulaji continued his attacks on British ships when he attacked Commodore Lisle, and in 1753, he even attacked a much larger Dutch ship with fifty guns on it. At this time, Tulaji himself was in touch with the British and sent proposals of peace to the Company. The Company replied that they “would willingly embrace (the proposal) if he could deposit lakh of rupees as a security for his not taking any ships or vessels belonging to them, for which sum he would receive an annual interest.” Tulaji, however, refused to give any security to the Company for keeping his word after he took Anjanvel.

The Company’s letter also went on to complain about Manaji Angre saying, “we are at peace, yet he frequently plunders our defenceless boats.”

The last part of the letter from the British asked the Peshwa to take measures to stop the plundering of mercantile ships, “I think it would greatly benefit your dominions as well as for the Honourable Company’s interest if you in your prudence should take some effectual measures for rooting out all the pirates on this coast, and for this purpose I am always ready to assist. Some months back, Sambhajiraja (of Kolhapur) advising me he intended march against Gheria (Vijaydurg). I then showed him how willingly inclined I was to take any good measures for effecting so necessary a work.” The mention of the ruler of Kolhapur shows that his possessions in the south Konkan around the fort of Sindhudurg were also subject to Tulaji’s depradations.

Tulaji Angre’s arrogance is expressed in his next utterances, “Yamajipant and Antaji Shivdeo came to Satara. You wrote that there is news that there have been some disturbances beneath the fort, in this regard, such acts belong to real men. Whoever wishes to, should get their doubts cleared. (We) Don’t count anybody in this regard. To top it, in this province, the subject means a group of Bhudevs (Brahmins), and apart from them, the thoughts about forts and fortresses are well-known (12 June 1755).”

This way, the animosity between Manaji, Tulaji Angre and the Peshwa went on increasing with time.

To be continued…

MUDAGAD & RAJKOT

Before the Manikgad affair of Manaji was resolved, Tulaji’s activities became unbearable. Towards the end of 1747, Tulaji Angre captured Mudagad and had wrought a huge havoc in the Konkan and plateau realms belonging to Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Bawda’s Pant Amatya Bhagwantrao, Wadi’s Sawant, and the Peshwa.

Going back to 1735, Bajirao Peshwa had promised Sambhaji Angre that he would not attack the fort of Mudagad, which lay strategically on one of the three Ghat paths from the kingdom of Kolhapur towards Vijaydurg. The fort commanded a large territory encompassing the fiefs of several Sardars of Kolhapur and Satara. However, to safeguard these areas, Bajirao broke his promise and demolished Mudagad. And this was not forgotten by Sambhaji or Tulaji Angre.

The Mudagad Fort is on the face of Sahyadri, at the mouth of Kajirda Ghat. In 1747, just after the death of Shripatrao Pratinidhi of Satara, Tulaji returned to the mountain and rebuilt fort Mudagad. From this perch in the Sahyadri mountains, Tulaji then began to attack territories of the potentates who were friendly to the Peshwa. Tulaji first moved towards Vishalgad fort and laid siege to it. The surrounding villages were taken over and taxes were levied, one of which was called the Habshipatti (a tax levied on account of the Habshi or Siddis).

The Peshwa wrote to Tulaji asking him not to charge the tax on the territory. He reminded Tulaji that even his father Kanhoji never collected taxes or troubled the people in this area. Brahmendra Swami also wrote to Bhagwantrao Amatya stating it is everybody’s desire to punish Tulaji, and taking the help of Sawants and the Pratinidhi, this should be done. It became clear that only an armed intervention would force Tulaji to leave the area.

One of the employees with the Pratinidhi was a Naro Rayaji Gode. Gode volunteered to go to the Sawants and raise men to join the army against Tulaji. Accordingly, Gode brought two thousand men from the Wadi’s Sawants and with the three thousand men from the Pratinidhi, formed an army. Tulaji’s brother Yesaji alias Appaji Angre joined the above rulers and fought against him. Gode personally led the attack on Mudagad. The battle was fierce, but Gode won a complete victory. He then proceeded to demolish the fort completely, ploughing it with an ass and marking the spot with “a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie” (Vahan-Kowrie means a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie tied together as a symbol of desertion of a place). Then, Appaji Angre, along with the Pratinidhi, Amatya and Sawant, devastated Tulaji’s territory from Rajapur to Sangameshwar. From the month of January 1748 up to March 1748, this campaign occurred including many big and small battles.

Here, Shahu himself was also unhappy about Manikgad affair, and in early 1748 wrote to Sadashivrao Bhau to return the fort to Manaji Angre. Shahu wrote, “The fort of Manikgad and the surrounding region belonging to Manaji Angre was taken by you and it should be returned immediately. You have the Deshmukhi of Chaul, however, you are not running it well. This should first be done. The revenue from Kalyan and Bhiwandi amounting to fifteen thousand per year should also reach us. The Wajaratmab (Manaji Angre) is an old and loyal servant of the king. You should help him in any way you can. The moment you receive this letter, without further delay, the fort must be returned. In this manner, you will not disturb the goodwill towards you from the king and the two Wadas (mansions / queens). You are prudent enough.”

On losing Manikgad, Manaji countered by seeking help from the Portuguese at Rajkot, his fort near Chaul (which had three forts, Rajkot was with Manaji, while Revdanda and Korlai were with the Peshwa). While Tulaji Angre was struggling to save Mudagad, the Peshwa was fighting with Manaji at Chaul’s Rajkot. Chaul harbour originally belonged to the Portuguese. When Vasai fell, they had given it to the British. But the Peshwa felt that he should capture it. When the Peshwa captured Manikgad and other stations belonging to Manaji Angre, he opposed the Peshwa and went to Chaul to the Portuguese seeking their succour. A letter from Ramaji Mahadev gives some details of Manaji Angre taking away some ships of the Peshwa’s navy and his own countermeasures. Manaji’s brother Appaji Angre was also with Ramaji at this time and intriguing with the men at Rajkot, “I have asked Shankarpant to come from Ghodbunder to Thal so that Manaji himself will come and oppose us. Once he does, we will defeat him all at once. Between Vasai and Thane, we have six Ghurabs and thirty Galbats and some smaller boats. Appaji Angre is working on the politics in Rajkot. Near Revdanda, Manaji himself with nine ships came face to face with Bajirao Belose. There was a battle. His own ship sprung many a leak, and he was defeated.”

Revdanda was a short distance to the south of Rajkot. Manaji began a massive cannonade from Rajkot on Revdanda. Ramaji wrote to the Peshwa that the fire was intolerable. He decided then to bring his armada into Revdanda harbour, and fire at Rajkot from the ships, while an attacking party attacks by land. Ramaji assured the Peshwa that the harbour at Revdanda was so good that the armada would be safe even if Tulaji or the Portuguese came to help Manaji. Rajkot was captured soon after. Manaji himself led the defence at Rajkot, however, he had to flee in the face of the strong Maratha attack. A minaret in a mosque at Rajkot had been used to fire guns at the Maratha navy. On 15 January 1748, Rajkot and the mosque were captured, and the Peshwa’s permission sought to demolish them.

Ramaji Mahadev fought with both the Portuguese and the British, “besieged Chaul’s Rajkot. On 15 January 1748, the high fortress and the Masjid within were captured through the prowess of Swami’s virtues. The fortress and the Masjid should be destroyed. Then Manaji Angre will not trouble much and come to meet face-to-face.”

To be continued…

GOA’S BLOCKADE

Some area around Goa, too, is named Sashti. When the Peshwas attacked Vasai, to ensure that the Portuguese at Goa did not provide any help, they got Vyankatrao Ghorpade and Kolhapur’s Chhatrapati’s Sardar Dadajirao Bhave Nargundkar to capture the Sashti province around Goa. Goa did not have enough men to withstand Vyankatrao’s attack. Vyankatrao Ghorpade was in the Vasai campaign in 1737, and he was well-aware of the tactics to be employed in such campaigns. Since the regions of the Carnatic to the south of the Krishna River was under the purview of Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II, to ensure he did not create any obstacles in the campaign, his Sardar Dadaji Bhave was appointed on the campaign with Sambhaji II’s permission. These two men accomplished the responsibility with much success. On 12 January 1739, Vyankatrao got down into Goa via the Dighi mountain pass. In a short while he harassed the Portuguese. Sawantwadi’s Sawants and the Portuguese had a running dispute. Therefore, upon the Peshwa’s request, the Sawants helped Vyankatrao, due to which the Portuguese were brought down to their knees so quickly. Vyankatrao’s force consisted of seven thousand cavalry and equal amount of infantry. He was assisted by Sardars like Sayaji Gujar, Manaji Paygude etc. The Viceroy wrote to General Martinho de Silveira de Menezes, who was defending Vasai, “Here we find ourselves in a state of consternation created by crossing of the Maratha forces on 23^rd instant (12 January by the old calendar) captained by Vyankatrao, into Salcette… this consternation makes it impossible for me to help the fort of Vasai and other forts of that province with men, but, on the other hand, puts me in need of utilising the troops of Vasai to defend this island of Goa.”

On 15 January, Madgaon was taken, and the fort of Fonda was won by the Raja of Sondhe, who was a Maratha ally. Very soon, he captured most of the Sashti province except for the locations of Raitoor and Marmugoa. Fonda’s fort Mardangad fell into his hands on 19 February. On 22 February, the Wadkars began wreaking havoc in Bardesh. The Bardesh district of Goa also fell. With Goa itself threatened, the war entered its last phase. Upon this, seeing that the Marathas were not threatening to capture the whole of Goa island, the governor began negotiating for peace. Vyankatrao had resolved that the Portuguese must be driven out from this country once and for all. At the same time, Bajirao got the news that Nadir Shah had captured Delhi. Due to this, he dispatched a final order to Vyankatrao, that they should end the Goa battle and immediately return. The moment the Portuguese sued for peace, Vyankatrao informed them, “We have been ordered to capture all of your kingdom. After capturing Vasai, the Peshwa is going to himself attack Goa.”

Hearing this, the Portuguese officials became extremely concerned. They also tried to entice some of the Maratha army men to act as spies. But having left no other option, on 27 April 1739, they accepted the terms of the treaty and avoided any future calamity.

The important elements of the treaty were as follows – Out of the revenue of the Sashti and Bardesh provinces, the Portuguese must pay the Marathas forty percent amount. They were to pay the Marathas seven lakh rupees fine as the expenses of the campaign. This way, Chimaji Appa had captured the northern Konkan province, and Vyankatrao had vanquished their power to the south around Goa to a large extent.

The following description is available relating to that, “The Portuguese emissaries kept visiting the camp for ten more days to keep haggling. The terms agreed were, in Sashti and Bardesh, we were granted 40 percent, while they were to keep 60 percent. Some of the outposts were handed to us, some retained by them. They were to allow people to follow Hindu religion. These Portuguese are sinful people. The achievement of their annihilation is an extraordinary accomplishment. Excellent terror has been established around Goa.”

Tubaji Anant wrote, “Vyankatrao captured eight or nine stations in the Sashti and Bardesh province. The Portuguese were taught a much-needed lesson. All of it is the greatness of the Swami’s virtue. Vyankatrao too is renowned warrior. The fame of his name has spread across Goa. Now capturing Goa should not take much time or effort.”

However, Goa was saved as the Viceroy managed to secure the good offices of Dadaji Bhave Nargundkar with a well-placed bribe, and the Portuguese fort of Raitoor which he was to attack, was saved. Dadaji was in charge of a large tract between the Tungabhadra and Malaprabha rivers in the Carnatic on behalf of Sambhaji II of Kolhapur. Through the good offices of Dadaji, envoys and rich merchants were sent to the Marathas to contract a peace. The first meeting began at the Maratha camp where the Firangi envoy was told by Dadaji that should the Portuguese choose to leave India and sail away in ships owned by them or the British, the Marathas would allow them to go unmolested. This opening gambit did not find favour and when the meeting did not appear to be reaching a conclusion, there were new proposals put up from the Maratha side that asked for tribute and full religious freedom in Goa. Vasai, Daman, and Karanje were to be handed over to the Marathas. These proposals were not accepted by the Portuguese.

Eventually, Vyankatrao summoned the Portuguese envoys again and it was conveyed to them that Bajirao will not return any of the areas won and will even take Goa. However, should the Firangis wish to hold Goa, they should give Bajirao the arrears of tribute of sixty years at the rate of three Khandi (a measure of weight that equals roughly two hundred and thirty-six kilograms) of gold per year. He also demanded that Goa should allow Hindu temples to be built and they should be allowed to practice their religion. Abolition of the ‘Shendi’ (a tuft of hair preserved on their heads by the Hindus) tax was another demand.

The Portuguese then obtained a letter from Shahu to Vyankatrao, asking him to make peace. However, this was not accepted by him. The negotiations dragged on. Bribes were offered. Two lakh rupees were paid as a tribute. However, Madgaon remained in Maratha hands. A treaty was finally agreed on 22 April 1739, however with Maratha allies like the Sawant of Sawantwadi and Dadaji looking after their own interests, the complete removal of the Portuguese power at Goa was not insisted upon. Further negotiations continued in Pune and Captain Inchbird met Bajirao at Paithan in January 1740 to come to an agreement on behalf of the Firangis. The treaty was eventually signed after further negotiations in December 1740.

To be continued…

SEKHOJI ANGRE DIES

Sambhaji Angre was taking care of the administration at Vijaydurg. He did not participate in the battle against Janjira. Later, he stayed at Suvarnadurg, and after Sekhoji’s death he came to Colaba. His other brother Manaji was with Bajirao at Rajpuri. While Sekhoji was recuperating after the current leg of the campaign at Colaba, he began getting fever. He wrote to Bajirao on 21 August 1733, “Presently, due to all the exertion, the body has become unhealthy and is facing trouble due to fever etc.” Nobody felt that this illness would escalate.

On 25^th he wrote, “For nine days today, the body is troubled. For three days the fever has touched extreme temperatures, and due to the heat, blood is flowing through my nostrils. Hope that health returns through grace of God.”

A letter from 26^th reads, “The illness increased by the passing day. The trouble with ghosts (hallucination) also seems to have arrived. Please send Pilaji Jadhavrao without an hour’s delay.”

Pilaji Jadhavrao was with Bajirao at Rajpuri. He was quickly dispatched to Colaba. Pilaji reached there on 27^th midnight. “The next day, on 28^th August, new-moon day of the month of Shravan, just two hours short for the day to complete, Sarkhel took his last breath. His widow Anandibai and three to four concubines entered the sacred fire.” This was written by Pilaji Jadhavrao to Bajirao.

One can see his respect and devout nature from the letters Sekhoji wrote to Bajirao and Brahmendra Swami. Sekhoji used to act sweetly and in a well-rounded manner with Bajirao, Sambhaji Angre etc. everyone. He commanded awe and love from the female members of his household. He was not twisted like Kanhoji. His short life was a big loss to his own family and overall kingdom too.

The whole Janjira campaign was running on the strength of Sekhoji. And on it depended the future life or death of the Angres. However, the Angres were the only ones who could achieve the accrual of naval strength. Therefore, the moment Sekhoji died, internal discord arose amongst his brothers. Due to this the campaign was disturbed further. One of the reasons why the campaign failed, was this dissension amongst Angres. Seeing the increasing strength of the Siddis, the Swami himself tried to recover from the disturbed situation by writing letters to Sambhaji and others. But to no avail. Sambhaji Angre arrived at Colaba and assumed the office of Sarkhel. He was churlish, impatient and whimsical. He did not have good relations with his brothers. He had stayed aloof so far, and with the fraternal clash with his brother Manaji taking precedence, the plan of a sea blockade against Janjira receded. Manaji was against him with the Peshwa. Sambhaji had brought his complaints to Shahu since 1731. On 24 January 1731, he had gone to Satara and met with Shahu and his queens. They had all felicitated him. He dispatched his steward Raghunath Hari to Shahu after Sekhoji, with whom Shahu sent a lot many things to encourage him. But Sambhaji could not be convinced. After assuming the Sarkhel office he became confused. The letters he wrote to Sabaji Prabhu Chitnis in this on 5 October 1733 are the final word. The Siddis and the British suddenly became powerful together. To inform his difficulties on that account, Sambhaji dispatched Sabaji Prabhu to Shahu. Bankaji Naik was aware of these internal household disputes, which is why he flatly informed the Swami on 6 October 1733 that, “Unless the master orders me, I cannot attack Gowalkot.”

Therefore, this campaign, which had mostly succeeded so far, was wasted due to the dissensions among the Sardars. Sambhaji Angre wrote to the Swami, “Even after the armies gathered, the whole plan was rendered meaningless. The task failed due to internal dissensions. The British provided a huge help.”

The four forts of Janjira, Anjanvel, Gowalkot and Underi remained in the Siddi’s possessions. The Marathas had to accept the situation. This discord was of two types. First, all the Sardars were not working towards one plan. Everybody would receive independent orders from Shahu Maharaj. Second, there was dissension in the Angre ranks. The British took the benefit of that. The British were only waiting for Kanhoji Angre’s death. The moment he died, the British marked his sons as their enemies, and entered into treaties with their opponents at Sawantwadi and Janjira. Seeing the disput between Manaji and Sambhaji, the British at Mumbai were encouraged. Before leaving the Konkan, Bajirao tried his best to prevent a treaty between the British and the Siddi. The British felt that the Siddi’s defeat would mean being neighbours with the Marathas, and this they considered was a situation to be avoided at all costs. On 6 December 1733, the British and the Siddis entered into a treaty of helping each other in defence as well as offensive actions, and openly raised their weapons against the Marathas, and especially the Angres. The British, under the pretence of helping Siddis, dispatched their navy under the command of Captain Inchbird to Colaba. With the Siddi and the British navy together, after Sekhoji’s death, Bajirao realised the campaign would not make any headway.  

To be continued…

KANHOJI’S REBELLION

Due to Shahu’s return to Deccan and his separate administration, there was dissension in Maratha ranks. Initially Kanhoji ignored this. Since his main rise had been supported by Rajaram and Tarabai, he was naturally inclined towards them and he would follow Ramchandrapant’s orders. He would primarily encounter various rulers on the western coast. The British at Mumbai, Portuguese to their north at Vasai, Angre himself to their south at Colaba, then Janjira’s Abyssinians, Panhala’s Chhatrapatis to Vijayadurg’s south near Malwan, Sawantwadi’s Sawants further down, the Dutch at Vengurla, and the Portuguese again at Goa, further south, all these had been kept under constant threat by Kanhoji through his efforts to maintain the naval power of the Marathas. He himself did not engage in any untoward activities against Shahu initially. But this prestigious naval Sardar of the Maratha kingdom, joined Shahu soon after his arrival back. One of his letters, dated 23 March 1709 has been discovered and other letters expressing the same purport are available for the next two years. It became possible for Shahu to receive secure supplies of cloth and various daily use articles from external countries which had arrived via the sea-route, only through Kanhoji. The following letter shows that Shahu sent his trusted servant Baswant Khoja to Kanhoji for bringing such articles to him.

“In service of Maharaj Rajashree Chhatrapati Swami,

Regards to servant Kanhoji Angre. Through the Swami’s grace, everything here is as expected. We had provided cash amount and list of articles to Rajashree Baswantrao. This has been sent now along with Damaji Jamdar and Viso Hari.

Cash Rupees 5000, garments – 4273, Cloth – 8798, heavy articles – 200, plants 67, Pikdani (spittoon), Samaya (traditional lamps), Gulabdani (perfume sprinkler), beds, Pandan (betel-leaf platter), Velchi (Ilaichi – cardamom), Lavang (clove), Gorochan (a bright yellow pigment found in the head of a cow).

Articles amounting to a sum-total of eighteen thousand three hundred and thirty-nine rupees and eleven annas, some cash, and the plants have been sent. The Swami is the master to submit the response to all this. Regards.”

This proves that Kanhoji Angre was not in the Tarabai camp since the time of Shahu’s arrival. Towards the end of 1711, when Chandrasen’s conspiracy took shape. Around 1712, Kanhoji began his struggles with both the Portuguese and the British, and he captured and looted numerous of their vessels. He captured huge plunder through all this. With the captured money, he gathered new forces, and through Tarabai’s instigation, he attacked Shahu. Meaning, when Khatavkar, Thorat etc. Sardars began promoting Tarabai, Kanhoji too joined them. It is not clear whether Shahu tried to convince him to join his camp.

In 1712, Chandrasen’s revolt escalated, and Shahu fell into deep trouble for a short while. At this time, he dispatched his assistants against each of his opponents. The northern province around Kalyan was Swarajya’s primary support since the time of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, and it would be normally administered by the Peshwas. Shahu’s Peshwa Bahiropant Pingle was stationed there, and he was given the responsibility of dealing with the Angres. Angre attacked in return. He captured the Kalyan province, won forts like Rajmachi, Tung, Tikona, and Ghangad, and it became imminent that he would now attack Pune and Satara. Bahiropant was neither skilled in battle, nor in much of politics. Angre himself was an expert warrior and Bahiropant did not have the wherewithal to control him. Before Bahiropant could reach Lohagad for the next set of moves, Kanhoji himself attacked, and captured Lohagad suddenly. He arrested Bahiropant and Nilo Ballal Chitnis, and kept them captive at Colaba. Of course, this was a matter of huge problem for Shahu. The exact date of the above incident is unavailable. But one reference of 1713 is available, which says, “Tukoji Gujar came to meet the Swami. After the meeting Gujar was rewarded.”

Tukoji Gujar was a naval Sardar, and Bhivji alias Sidhoji Gujar was erstwhile admirals of the navy. After them Kanhoji had got the authority. Presently when Kanhoji himself had raised a standard of revolt against Shahu, he began thinking about removing him and appointing Tukoji Gujar in his place. He probably also entrusted Tukoji with the responsibility to attack Kanhoji. It is not clear what Tukoji did upon this. When Balaji Vishwanath attacked him, he was engaged in disputes with the British and the Siddis. So, Kanhoji engaged into a reconciliatory stand with Balaji and secured the Chhatrapati’s support for his future activities.

To be continued…

THORAT SUBDUED

This way, Thorat had defeated two of Shahu’s ministers and put him in a spot of bother for a short while. But Shahu maintained his calm and generous nature, and sailed through the present situations. Sachiv’s mother had become extremely sad. Since Sachiv was within the fortress, she did not have the option to directly attack Hingangaon. It was necessary to first free Naro Shankar through some tactic. Sachiv’s Mutalik (representative) Pantaji Shivdeo Soman was creative and circumspect. Shahu gave him this responsibility (29 March 1717). Pantaji opened up negotiations with the Thorats through Wadi’s (Sawantwadi) Pilaji Jadhavrao. Thorat demanded a huge ransom. Damaji did not have any other objective apart from his selfish interest. In such a situation, he happily accepted a huge ransom paid in cash, and released Naro Shankar. It looks like Naro Shankar was in his captivity for around four to eight months.

Damaji did not pay any heed to the way Shahu’s prosperity and power was increasing. Besides, stepping onto the tails of two snakes like the Peshwa and Sachiv was a huge adventure. Balaji displayed excellent creativity in this situation. He spread out his sources everywhere. His connections had also been established with Sayyed Hussein Ali through Shankaraji Malhar. Shahu had also become very angry due to this treacherous behaviour by the Thorats. After the Dussehra of 1717, he himself took a force and attacked the Thorats. Since Shahu still desired to convince Thorat peacefully, and align him to the cause, he halted at Jejuri, pledged no harm to him, and invited him for a meeting. But Thorat’s arrogance did not pipe down. He continued speaking arrogantly. Since he had pledged, Shahu allowed him to return unharmed. Otherwise, he could have been punished as desired. In the month of February 1718, a treaty was negotiated with the Sayyed brothers. At this time, Balaji took help from the Mughal artillery, besieged Hingangaon, and captured it. He arrested Thorat and kept him imprisoned atop Purandar. The fortress of Hingangaon was destroyed to dust and the settlement was treated with a donkey-plough. Damaji seems to have been kept on Purandar around one year. After Balaji Vishwanath returned back from Delhi, Shahu’s queens urged him through Ambajipant to release Damaji. Due to this, Shahu sent orders to release him. But in 1728, Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II joined the Nizam, and taking this opportunity, Damaji again revolted against Shahu. That time, he was again attacked, plundered, arrested and again imprisoned at Purandar. He died there shortly. Actually, Damaji was a brave and courageous warrior. But he was wasted due to his ambivalence and the kingdom did not get the benefit of his capability. It also becomes clear here from the fact, that he had to be vanquished using the Mughal artillery, and the Maratha power was still weak for want of an efficient artillery.

It is evident, that the great struggle that the Thorats mounted against Shahu, had an implicit support from Chandrasen. Shahu wrote, “Chandrasen Jadhav used to provide support to the Thorats. To protect himself, Pilaji Jadhavrao built a fortress at Hingangaon. But using this same fortress, Thorat captured Balajipant and held him hostage. This same Hingangaon became a siege point for Purandar and the whole region was harassed. He did not listen to what I kept saying.”

Even though the matter regarding Rambhaji Nimbalkar did not gather much publicity in the history like that of Damaji Thorat, he was also one of the members of that same class of men. Initially, he had achieved fame by raiding the imperial realms along with other Maratha Sardars. When Azamshah had embarked on his northward journey, Rambhaji had subjected his army to sudden raids, and completely harassed them. Later, when Bahadurshah had come down to the Deccan, he seems to have been provided news report that, “Rebel Rambha has been plundering the Mughal realms.”

The erstwhile imperial accounts mention Rambhaji’s antics quite often. Such nomadic Maratha Sardars would not heed to anybody’s authority, oppress the people the way they liked, pander to their own selfish interests, and the blame would be heaped onto Shahu as he was the ruler of Deccan. Balaji slowly stopped this game of uncertainty. Around 1715, since Balaji Vishwanath vanquished Chandrasen and Rambhaji both, they took refuge under Mughal Subedar Nizam-ul-Mulk. The Nizam conferred upon Rambhaji an epithet ‘Raorambha’. They were the Jagirdars of Karmala.

To be continued…

DEER DISPUTE

Shahu dispatched Chandrasen to resolve the revolt of Sardars like Damaji Thorat, Udaji Chavhan etc. and asked Balaji to accompany him. In this campaign, they began quarrelling due to a very miniscule reason. One day, while near Umbraj, during the army’s march, a deer was spotted. One Sardar named Piraji Raut in Balaji’s contingent chased it. While chasing, the deer went running into the camp, and entered the tent belonging to a Brahmin clerk named Vyasrao serving the Jadhavraos. Upon this, Piraji and Vyasrao began quarrelling as Piraji began demanding his prey. Vyasrao said, “I am a Brahmin, and whoever enters my tent, I will protect it.”

Finally, Piraji threw his spear (at the deer), but Vyasrao came in the middle and was wounded. Piraji went and informed all this to Balaji. Here, Vyasrao complained to Jadhavrao. So, Jadhavrao informed Balaji to hand over Piraji to him. Balaji replied, “Piraji has surrendered to me. Whatever punishment to be given to him, I will give it.”

Both became fixated on their points. Jadhav dispatched his army against Balaji and ordered them to capture Piraji. Seeing that, Balaji left his camp along with his force. Jadhavrao began chasing them. So, Balaji ran to Purandar fort and sought refuge with the Sachiv there. Jadhav then came to Pune from Baramati, immediately threatened to attack Purandar, and informed the Sachiv, “Drive Balaji away, otherwise we will destroy you.”

So, the Sachiv drove Balaji away. Balaji stepped out, along with his family, children, Ambajipant Purandare, and five to seven hundred horsemen, came to the banks of the Neera River. There he fought Jadhavs and was defeated. So, he entered the forest beyond the village Parinche. At this time, Balaji was accompanied by Sawantwadi’s Pilaji Jadhavrao, and Parinche’s Nathaji Dhumal, etc. Sardars. They, and Shahu’s father-in-law Kanhojiraje Shirke fought bravely and conveyed Balaji safely to Pandavgad fort near Wai. In this battle, Balaji’s son Bajirao got the first experience of battle, and became very close with Pilaji Jadhavrao. Balaji had arrested family members of Vyasrao, Chandrasen’s clerk, which has been referenced to 11 October 1711. This confirms the above dispute.

Balaji dispatched Ambaji Purandare from Pandavgad to Satara to keep Maharaj informed about this whole affair. Ambaji and Khando Ballal were close. Through them, Shahu became aware of the whole story. Upon this, he recalled Balaji to Satara. Since Shahu provided him refuge, Chandrasen informed with a finality, “The Swami should hand over Balaji to me. If he is given refuge, we will quit Maharaj’s service.”

To teach Jadhavs a lesson for this arrogance, Shahu called Haibatrao Nimbalkar. He was near Ahmednagar, and quickly returned to Faltan. Chandrasen was near Pandavgad. To try and avoid any escalation in this affair, Shahu tried reconciliation first. But Chandrasen did not bring himself to accept it. Chandrasen left Pandavgad behind. He met Haibatrao and his forces beneath the Andarki Ghat at Jeoor in a battle (in the Vasant season of year 1711). In it, Jadhav was defeated hands down. After this, he ran away to Panhala via Rahimatpur, and openly joined Tarabai.

After the Commander-in-Chief left, the hearts of many important people began wavering with respect to Shahu. Sawants, Angres, Khanderao Dabhade were already strongly in Tarabai’s support. But due to Chandrasen’s instigation and seeing Shahu’s decline, even Haibatrao Nimbalkar thought about leaving him. Parsoji Bhosale and Chimnaji Damodar were the only two remaining on Shahu’s side. But they were around Khandesh. Peshwa Bahiropant Pingle did not engage in any moves. However, Balaji gathered money and army with help from Pilaji Jadhavrao, Purandares etc.

The moment he understood that Chandrasen had left, Shahu gathered new forces, took away the office of the Commander-in-Chief from him, and gave it to his brother Santaji Jadhav on 1 October 1711. Shahu wanted to avoid hurting the Jadhavrao family as much as possible. Without feeling dejected upon Chandrasen’s desertion, Balaji took help from Ambajipant, took some loans out, and immediately gathered a new army. As a collateral for the loan taken out from the moneylenders, Balaji got Shahu to award him the protocol rights for twenty-five-lakhs. This generated excitement in Shahu’s camp and Balaji acquired primary position in state administration. Since Chandrasen had left, Balaji got the opportunity to display his skill. In this difficult situation, Krishnaji Naik Joshi and his son Mahadaji Krishna from Chas, Babuji Naik’s uncle Krishnaji Naik Joshi of Baramati, helped Shahu a lot in monetary terms. Due to this, Shahu later always favoured them.

To be continued…