IN A FLUX

The failure of Babuji Naik was not just due to his own faults. He had detractors from within the Maratha fold, including the Peshwa himself. Not only did the Peshwa prove to be sufficient for Babuji Naik and Sambhaji II, but he also rendered powerful men like Raghuji Bhosale and Murarrao Ghorpade completely harmless. The Peshwa’s trusted lieutenants were working on this task sitting at their courts continuously. Whether it was Raghuji or Murarrao, both realised the situation correctly, did not allow anybody outside to fathom their hearts, and kept behaving as the events unfolded. Since they completely recognised the Peshwa’s strength, they never took it upon themselves to oppose him.

Nanasaheb returned to Satara in August 1748. By then, two stalwarts on the Indian scene had departed from the scene. Mohammedshah died before the victorious army from Manupur could return to Delhi. His son Ahmedshah was declared the new Badshah, with Mansoor Ali Khan Safdarjung appointed as the new Vazir. The Nizam-ul-Mulk died on 21 May 1748 at Burhanpur. He had, in twenty-four turbulent years in the Deccan, managed to survive and control the narrative of the politics in the peninsula. Despite the strength of the Marathas and their victories over him, he had astutely avoided being removed from his perch. The crisis during Nadir Shah’s invasion had placed him in real danger. However, with his cleverness and patience, he had extricated himself from the most difficult situations. His death, however, threw up yet another succession dispute after Jaipur.

On his way back from the north, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung, perhaps in July or August 1748. A letter from the Nizam’s court to Sadashivrao Bhau dated October 1748 gives more details, “The Nizam has met Rajashree Pradhanpant. The Nawab has given four lakh rupees to him for expenses. Treasure laden on thirty camels came to the Pradhanpant.”

After Nizam-ul-Mulk died, in the month of October 1748, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung and established friendly relations with him. The death of rulers of Jaipur and Hyderabad unleashed a race for succession due to a surfeit of claimants. In the case of the Marathas, Shahu not having a legitimate son, and getting on in years, had not found an answer to the vexed question of succession. His queens, and the dowager queen Tarabai – now nearing seventy and living at Satara – and a host of Maratha Sardars and intriguing ministers began to influence the succession. The struggle involved a concern for the royal lineage, the house of Kolhapur, the caste-divide of the Brahmins, Marathas and other castes, and to top it all, a descendant of the royal house of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj brought up in obscurity. Eventually, this was to occupy two full years of Nanasaheb’s reign when huge political changes were sweeping over the rest of the country.

On hearing the death of Mohammedshah and the Nizam, Dupleix felt the Marathas would grow stronger. He said to Ananda Ranga Pillai, “There will be war and the Marathas will grow still stronger. Since the Nawab of Bengal died, the Marathas have seized his brother and are ruling the whole of Bengal. They will do the same here. These things are pre-ordained; the Badshah at Delhi has died and many have perished for no reason at all and there is confusion. We shall see the same things in these parts next.”

Ananda Ranga replied, “Is so much evil awaiting us?”

The coming years would answer Ananda Ranga Pillai’s question.

The Peshwa had consolidated his plans outside by excellently maintaining all his external relations. Bhausaheb had established a permanent bond of friendship with Murarrao in the Carnatic campaign. The Pratinidhi, Sawants etc. fought with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad. In it, Sambhaji II insisted with Murarrao to help Tulaji. But he did not play any role in that affair. Overall, each and every influential person stayed glued to their spot towards Shahu’s end of days.

The discerning people all over the kingdom were watching what plan Shahu decided. A general feeling spread everywhere, that nobody could control the kingdom like the Peshwa, and it was appropriate to seek his refuge. It was clearly evident that Sadashivrao Bhau went to the Carnatic and blew Babuji Naik away. This event portrayed Sadashivrao Bhau’s character in sharp relief, even more aggressive than Nanasaheb.

To be continued…

SADASHIVRAO BHAU – DEBUT

In September 1746, Nanasaheb had begun plans to send an army headed by Chimaji Appa’s son Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. The debut of Sadashivrao Bhau, the Peshwa’s cousin, going into his first campaign occupied Nanasaheb’s attention. It was to be the sixteen-year-old Sadashivrao’s first outing on the battlefield. With the Carnatic becoming an area where Raghuji, Fatehsingh and Babuji were all interested, the Peshwa threw his hat in the ring by deputing Sadashivrao to lead an army there. However, before that, he had obtained the districts of Bednoor, Sondhe, Bankapur, and Saavnoor as his area of conquest from Shahu. To guide Sadashivrao Bhau, Nanasaheb wanted the veteran Pilaji Jadhavraoto accompany him.

On 1 December 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao as follows, “Rajashree Sambhaji Maharaj II’s Tehsils Sondhe, Bednoor, Savnoor, Bankapur etc. principalities have been handed over by the Swami to us. Further, it has been agreed that Rajashree Babuji Naik should not enter those regions. The income from these Tehsils should be collected. It is not like you don’t understand whether those people would hand over the revenue collections without the pressure of the army. Therefore, it is necessary that we send sufficient force there. Secondly, the Portuguese have started a dispute against the Sawants. They have captured two or three outposts belonging to the Sawants. Sawants have been the servants of the government from the beginning. They have served well, which is why helping them is must. So, we have prepared to dispatch a strong army. We have thought that Chiranjeev Rajashree Sadoba should be given leave to proceed on a campaign in that province. In two or four days, Rajashree Swami will give his approval. Chiranjeev has never gone on a campaign. Therefore, you will also need to accompany him. Who else but you! If you are with him, we will be carefree. You and him, along with the force, should go to the religious place of Narasimha Saraswati. Resolve the revenue collections for those principalities and collect whatever possible. On the other side, where the Portuguese have mounted an attack over the Sawants, around two thousand strong army needs to be sent there. Dispatch it and help them. In summary, you have forces along with you, send them to Vasai. You remain ready along with all your contingents. The moment Rajashree Swami provides his permission, we will write to you, when you should immediately ride off and come here. Regards.”

This undoubtedly shows that Nanasaheb had secured Shahu’s permission to dispatch Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. Seeing that Naik would not be able to achieve success, Shahu himself made this arrangement. However, Pilaji was unwell and could not join.

Sadashivrao Bhau left for the Carnatic in December 1746 with the Peshwa keeping track of his movements. Sakharam Bapu, the later Maratha statesman, accompanied Bhau. Bhau first took the strong fort of Bahadur Benda near Koppal from the Nawab of Saavnoor and thirty-six other Parganas. He brought Savnoor under the ambit of Nanasaheb Peshwa’s rule. A secret clause to the treaty was the annual payment of seventy-five thousand rupees to the Peshwa.

Bhau threatened to come down into the plains and attack Goa. The Portuguese took note of his attempt to chastise the ruler of the state of Sondhe, who had helped the Portuguese in an attack on the Bhosales of Sawantwadi, who were under the protection of the Peshwa, “The army of Nana, composed of thirty thousand horses and an infinite infantry, began to march with rumours all over that the march was against Goa. It was rumoured that the army was dispatched to ask the king of Sondhe the reason he had helped us against the Bhosales without Nana’s permission, and to compel the king to surrender the forts of Suppen and Ussua… which he captured sword in hand. Sadoba, a cousin of Nana, a youth of eighteen years who appeared in the camp for the first time with a desire to earn a name… was the commandant of that force… As that army reached as near as three or four marches, I ordered occupation of all narrow passes of the Ghats. I also had the trees cut off and accumulated on the roads to put difficulties in the way of the march. The name of a Maratha creates such a terror in Asia that everyone trembles when it is mentioned.”

The Portuguese Viceroy then opened negotiations with Nanasaheb declaring that he had no intention of attacking Vasai. At Goa, the Viceroy boasted that though all the potentates in the region sent their ambassadors to prostrate at the feet of Sadoba, he sent none. He expressed his happiness when Bhau eventually marched away towards Canara.

To be continued…

MUTUAL ANIMOSITY CONTINUES

The Peshwa was near Jaipur at the time of Mudagad campaign. Ramchandrababa in a letter to Nanasaheb Peshwa on 1 April 1748 described the entire campaign and ended the letter saying, “Mudagad was settled by the Swami. It was lost and fell into ruins earlier. Tulaji Angre had built the fort again and settled some people atop it. From there, he would indulge into raiding to plunder all the outposts in the Panhala province. He had wrought an absolute havoc. It was like he had begun a complete annihilation. Upon that, Bawda’s Bhagwantrao, Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Wadi’s Sawant, Appaji Angre all joined together took five hundred cavalrymen and eight to ten thousand infantrymen, attacked Mudagad and captured it. They burnt and polished off all the region from Rajapur up to Sangameshwar. A serious warning has thus been given to Tulaji Angre without any effort on the part of Your Honour. It is necessary for Your Honour to reward Appaji Angre adequately… There were defections at the fort of Suvarnadurg. Tulaji Angre personally went there and found twenty defectors. They were all killed. The Konkan is reduced to ash. Tulaji Angre might come to Satara for the Swami’s meeting on the Varshapratipada (Gudhipadwa, Hindu new year).”

Even in the Rajkot battle, Yesaji alias Appaji Angre fought on the Peshwa’s side. Appaji Angre’s help in Mudagad and Revdanda brought him into favour with Shahu. Earlier, there had been a move to appoint Appaji Angre as the Sarkhel in place of Tulaji, and he even sent a few letters with a seal calling himself as one. However, when Tulaji heard of the possibility, a few of his followers pretending to have differences with him, joined Appaji. At the earliest opportunity, probably before May 1748, these men murdered Appaji. However, there is some uncertainty about this as Appaji is also said to have moved to Gwalior where he continued to stay with his family.

The activities of Tulaji in south Konkan continued. In May 1748, he captured three forts from his neighbours, and the matter was reported to Shahu. Shahu commanded that the forts be returned, or armies will be sent to remedy the aggression. A perturbed Shahu also declared that if the Peshwa did not send his army, he would lead an army himself.

Manaji’s wavering loyalty was always a source of anxiety to the Marathas. The Peshwa could not hold Manikgad for long. On Nanasaheb’s return from the campaign to the north, the Manikgad affair was closed on 24 July 1748, when he ordered Ramaji Mahadev that the fort should be returned to Manaji Angre.

In 1748, Tulaji went south to Cannanore. Commodore William James’ fleet was attacked near Vijaydurg in October 1749 and his ship ‘Restoration’ was carried off to the fort. A British report said, “The engagement began at 11 at night and on the 13 October 1749 about noon, it being calm, she was boarded on all quarters, when the vessel was taken and the same day carried into Gheria.”

Tulaji continued his attacks on British ships when he attacked Commodore Lisle, and in 1753, he even attacked a much larger Dutch ship with fifty guns on it. At this time, Tulaji himself was in touch with the British and sent proposals of peace to the Company. The Company replied that they “would willingly embrace (the proposal) if he could deposit lakh of rupees as a security for his not taking any ships or vessels belonging to them, for which sum he would receive an annual interest.” Tulaji, however, refused to give any security to the Company for keeping his word after he took Anjanvel.

The Company’s letter also went on to complain about Manaji Angre saying, “we are at peace, yet he frequently plunders our defenceless boats.”

The last part of the letter from the British asked the Peshwa to take measures to stop the plundering of mercantile ships, “I think it would greatly benefit your dominions as well as for the Honourable Company’s interest if you in your prudence should take some effectual measures for rooting out all the pirates on this coast, and for this purpose I am always ready to assist. Some months back, Sambhajiraja (of Kolhapur) advising me he intended march against Gheria (Vijaydurg). I then showed him how willingly inclined I was to take any good measures for effecting so necessary a work.” The mention of the ruler of Kolhapur shows that his possessions in the south Konkan around the fort of Sindhudurg were also subject to Tulaji’s depradations.

Tulaji Angre’s arrogance is expressed in his next utterances, “Yamajipant and Antaji Shivdeo came to Satara. You wrote that there is news that there have been some disturbances beneath the fort, in this regard, such acts belong to real men. Whoever wishes to, should get their doubts cleared. (We) Don’t count anybody in this regard. To top it, in this province, the subject means a group of Bhudevs (Brahmins), and apart from them, the thoughts about forts and fortresses are well-known (12 June 1755).”

This way, the animosity between Manaji, Tulaji Angre and the Peshwa went on increasing with time.

To be continued…

MUDAGAD & RAJKOT

Before the Manikgad affair of Manaji was resolved, Tulaji’s activities became unbearable. Towards the end of 1747, Tulaji Angre captured Mudagad and had wrought a huge havoc in the Konkan and plateau realms belonging to Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Bawda’s Pant Amatya Bhagwantrao, Wadi’s Sawant, and the Peshwa.

Going back to 1735, Bajirao Peshwa had promised Sambhaji Angre that he would not attack the fort of Mudagad, which lay strategically on one of the three Ghat paths from the kingdom of Kolhapur towards Vijaydurg. The fort commanded a large territory encompassing the fiefs of several Sardars of Kolhapur and Satara. However, to safeguard these areas, Bajirao broke his promise and demolished Mudagad. And this was not forgotten by Sambhaji or Tulaji Angre.

The Mudagad Fort is on the face of Sahyadri, at the mouth of Kajirda Ghat. In 1747, just after the death of Shripatrao Pratinidhi of Satara, Tulaji returned to the mountain and rebuilt fort Mudagad. From this perch in the Sahyadri mountains, Tulaji then began to attack territories of the potentates who were friendly to the Peshwa. Tulaji first moved towards Vishalgad fort and laid siege to it. The surrounding villages were taken over and taxes were levied, one of which was called the Habshipatti (a tax levied on account of the Habshi or Siddis).

The Peshwa wrote to Tulaji asking him not to charge the tax on the territory. He reminded Tulaji that even his father Kanhoji never collected taxes or troubled the people in this area. Brahmendra Swami also wrote to Bhagwantrao Amatya stating it is everybody’s desire to punish Tulaji, and taking the help of Sawants and the Pratinidhi, this should be done. It became clear that only an armed intervention would force Tulaji to leave the area.

One of the employees with the Pratinidhi was a Naro Rayaji Gode. Gode volunteered to go to the Sawants and raise men to join the army against Tulaji. Accordingly, Gode brought two thousand men from the Wadi’s Sawants and with the three thousand men from the Pratinidhi, formed an army. Tulaji’s brother Yesaji alias Appaji Angre joined the above rulers and fought against him. Gode personally led the attack on Mudagad. The battle was fierce, but Gode won a complete victory. He then proceeded to demolish the fort completely, ploughing it with an ass and marking the spot with “a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie” (Vahan-Kowrie means a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie tied together as a symbol of desertion of a place). Then, Appaji Angre, along with the Pratinidhi, Amatya and Sawant, devastated Tulaji’s territory from Rajapur to Sangameshwar. From the month of January 1748 up to March 1748, this campaign occurred including many big and small battles.

Here, Shahu himself was also unhappy about Manikgad affair, and in early 1748 wrote to Sadashivrao Bhau to return the fort to Manaji Angre. Shahu wrote, “The fort of Manikgad and the surrounding region belonging to Manaji Angre was taken by you and it should be returned immediately. You have the Deshmukhi of Chaul, however, you are not running it well. This should first be done. The revenue from Kalyan and Bhiwandi amounting to fifteen thousand per year should also reach us. The Wajaratmab (Manaji Angre) is an old and loyal servant of the king. You should help him in any way you can. The moment you receive this letter, without further delay, the fort must be returned. In this manner, you will not disturb the goodwill towards you from the king and the two Wadas (mansions / queens). You are prudent enough.”

On losing Manikgad, Manaji countered by seeking help from the Portuguese at Rajkot, his fort near Chaul (which had three forts, Rajkot was with Manaji, while Revdanda and Korlai were with the Peshwa). While Tulaji Angre was struggling to save Mudagad, the Peshwa was fighting with Manaji at Chaul’s Rajkot. Chaul harbour originally belonged to the Portuguese. When Vasai fell, they had given it to the British. But the Peshwa felt that he should capture it. When the Peshwa captured Manikgad and other stations belonging to Manaji Angre, he opposed the Peshwa and went to Chaul to the Portuguese seeking their succour. A letter from Ramaji Mahadev gives some details of Manaji Angre taking away some ships of the Peshwa’s navy and his own countermeasures. Manaji’s brother Appaji Angre was also with Ramaji at this time and intriguing with the men at Rajkot, “I have asked Shankarpant to come from Ghodbunder to Thal so that Manaji himself will come and oppose us. Once he does, we will defeat him all at once. Between Vasai and Thane, we have six Ghurabs and thirty Galbats and some smaller boats. Appaji Angre is working on the politics in Rajkot. Near Revdanda, Manaji himself with nine ships came face to face with Bajirao Belose. There was a battle. His own ship sprung many a leak, and he was defeated.”

Revdanda was a short distance to the south of Rajkot. Manaji began a massive cannonade from Rajkot on Revdanda. Ramaji wrote to the Peshwa that the fire was intolerable. He decided then to bring his armada into Revdanda harbour, and fire at Rajkot from the ships, while an attacking party attacks by land. Ramaji assured the Peshwa that the harbour at Revdanda was so good that the armada would be safe even if Tulaji or the Portuguese came to help Manaji. Rajkot was captured soon after. Manaji himself led the defence at Rajkot, however, he had to flee in the face of the strong Maratha attack. A minaret in a mosque at Rajkot had been used to fire guns at the Maratha navy. On 15 January 1748, Rajkot and the mosque were captured, and the Peshwa’s permission sought to demolish them.

Ramaji Mahadev fought with both the Portuguese and the British, “besieged Chaul’s Rajkot. On 15 January 1748, the high fortress and the Masjid within were captured through the prowess of Swami’s virtues. The fortress and the Masjid should be destroyed. Then Manaji Angre will not trouble much and come to meet face-to-face.”

To be continued…

GOA’S BLOCKADE

Some area around Goa, too, is named Sashti. When the Peshwas attacked Vasai, to ensure that the Portuguese at Goa did not provide any help, they got Vyankatrao Ghorpade and Kolhapur’s Chhatrapati’s Sardar Dadajirao Bhave Nargundkar to capture the Sashti province around Goa. Goa did not have enough men to withstand Vyankatrao’s attack. Vyankatrao Ghorpade was in the Vasai campaign in 1737, and he was well-aware of the tactics to be employed in such campaigns. Since the regions of the Carnatic to the south of the Krishna River was under the purview of Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II, to ensure he did not create any obstacles in the campaign, his Sardar Dadaji Bhave was appointed on the campaign with Sambhaji II’s permission. These two men accomplished the responsibility with much success. On 12 January 1739, Vyankatrao got down into Goa via the Dighi mountain pass. In a short while he harassed the Portuguese. Sawantwadi’s Sawants and the Portuguese had a running dispute. Therefore, upon the Peshwa’s request, the Sawants helped Vyankatrao, due to which the Portuguese were brought down to their knees so quickly. Vyankatrao’s force consisted of seven thousand cavalry and equal amount of infantry. He was assisted by Sardars like Sayaji Gujar, Manaji Paygude etc. The Viceroy wrote to General Martinho de Silveira de Menezes, who was defending Vasai, “Here we find ourselves in a state of consternation created by crossing of the Maratha forces on 23^rd instant (12 January by the old calendar) captained by Vyankatrao, into Salcette… this consternation makes it impossible for me to help the fort of Vasai and other forts of that province with men, but, on the other hand, puts me in need of utilising the troops of Vasai to defend this island of Goa.”

On 15 January, Madgaon was taken, and the fort of Fonda was won by the Raja of Sondhe, who was a Maratha ally. Very soon, he captured most of the Sashti province except for the locations of Raitoor and Marmugoa. Fonda’s fort Mardangad fell into his hands on 19 February. On 22 February, the Wadkars began wreaking havoc in Bardesh. The Bardesh district of Goa also fell. With Goa itself threatened, the war entered its last phase. Upon this, seeing that the Marathas were not threatening to capture the whole of Goa island, the governor began negotiating for peace. Vyankatrao had resolved that the Portuguese must be driven out from this country once and for all. At the same time, Bajirao got the news that Nadir Shah had captured Delhi. Due to this, he dispatched a final order to Vyankatrao, that they should end the Goa battle and immediately return. The moment the Portuguese sued for peace, Vyankatrao informed them, “We have been ordered to capture all of your kingdom. After capturing Vasai, the Peshwa is going to himself attack Goa.”

Hearing this, the Portuguese officials became extremely concerned. They also tried to entice some of the Maratha army men to act as spies. But having left no other option, on 27 April 1739, they accepted the terms of the treaty and avoided any future calamity.

The important elements of the treaty were as follows – Out of the revenue of the Sashti and Bardesh provinces, the Portuguese must pay the Marathas forty percent amount. They were to pay the Marathas seven lakh rupees fine as the expenses of the campaign. This way, Chimaji Appa had captured the northern Konkan province, and Vyankatrao had vanquished their power to the south around Goa to a large extent.

The following description is available relating to that, “The Portuguese emissaries kept visiting the camp for ten more days to keep haggling. The terms agreed were, in Sashti and Bardesh, we were granted 40 percent, while they were to keep 60 percent. Some of the outposts were handed to us, some retained by them. They were to allow people to follow Hindu religion. These Portuguese are sinful people. The achievement of their annihilation is an extraordinary accomplishment. Excellent terror has been established around Goa.”

Tubaji Anant wrote, “Vyankatrao captured eight or nine stations in the Sashti and Bardesh province. The Portuguese were taught a much-needed lesson. All of it is the greatness of the Swami’s virtue. Vyankatrao too is renowned warrior. The fame of his name has spread across Goa. Now capturing Goa should not take much time or effort.”

However, Goa was saved as the Viceroy managed to secure the good offices of Dadaji Bhave Nargundkar with a well-placed bribe, and the Portuguese fort of Raitoor which he was to attack, was saved. Dadaji was in charge of a large tract between the Tungabhadra and Malaprabha rivers in the Carnatic on behalf of Sambhaji II of Kolhapur. Through the good offices of Dadaji, envoys and rich merchants were sent to the Marathas to contract a peace. The first meeting began at the Maratha camp where the Firangi envoy was told by Dadaji that should the Portuguese choose to leave India and sail away in ships owned by them or the British, the Marathas would allow them to go unmolested. This opening gambit did not find favour and when the meeting did not appear to be reaching a conclusion, there were new proposals put up from the Maratha side that asked for tribute and full religious freedom in Goa. Vasai, Daman, and Karanje were to be handed over to the Marathas. These proposals were not accepted by the Portuguese.

Eventually, Vyankatrao summoned the Portuguese envoys again and it was conveyed to them that Bajirao will not return any of the areas won and will even take Goa. However, should the Firangis wish to hold Goa, they should give Bajirao the arrears of tribute of sixty years at the rate of three Khandi (a measure of weight that equals roughly two hundred and thirty-six kilograms) of gold per year. He also demanded that Goa should allow Hindu temples to be built and they should be allowed to practice their religion. Abolition of the ‘Shendi’ (a tuft of hair preserved on their heads by the Hindus) tax was another demand.

The Portuguese then obtained a letter from Shahu to Vyankatrao, asking him to make peace. However, this was not accepted by him. The negotiations dragged on. Bribes were offered. Two lakh rupees were paid as a tribute. However, Madgaon remained in Maratha hands. A treaty was finally agreed on 22 April 1739, however with Maratha allies like the Sawant of Sawantwadi and Dadaji looking after their own interests, the complete removal of the Portuguese power at Goa was not insisted upon. Further negotiations continued in Pune and Captain Inchbird met Bajirao at Paithan in January 1740 to come to an agreement on behalf of the Firangis. The treaty was eventually signed after further negotiations in December 1740.

To be continued…

THE LAST ATTEMPT

Kanhoji was completely aware about the British plan. He too, on one hand began reconciliatory negotiations, while on the other hand prepared for battle, and asked urgent help from Shahu Chhatrapati. Here, the British got additional battleships that joined their navy from Europe. On 29 November 1721, Portuguese and British battleships got together at Chaul. Their combined strength of six-thousand trained and experienced seamen warriors got ready to attack the Angres. On the other side, Shahu urgently ordered Pilaji Jadhavrao and Bajirao himself to help Angre. Thus, a terrible attack on the landward side was mounted on the European naval soldiers, and since they did not have any equipment to resist the landward attack, they went up in utter confusion. On 12 December 1721, they mounted an attack on Colaba. In this battle, British Captain Matthews was wounded due to a Maratha spear. Later, on 19^th, the moment Colonel Braithwaite attacked the fort’s ramparts, Bajirao mounted such a hand-to-hand attack from behind them, that they had to simply run away saving their lives. All their cannons and ammunition fell into Maratha hands. Due to this failure, the Portuguese and the British were permanently estranged from each other. Taking the advantage of this opportunity, Bajirao entered into an independent treaty with the Portuguese, and separated them from the British (Dt 9 January 1722).

“When the Portuguese had attacked Hirakot fortress, Pilaji Jadhavrao had himself fought hard and beaten down both the Portuguese and British. He proved the might of his sword and protected the fortress.”

Shahu described the above battle in such words. Bajirao got his first invaluable experience in terms of both battle and politics in the above incident.

The British then sent Robert Cowan to Bajirao asking for reparations, threatening that the war would otherwise continue. This was accompanied by a ‘friendly letter’ by the governor to Bajirao. Cowan reached the port of Chaul and asked Bajirao to send a person “with full power and instructions to adjust the peace without delay.”

Bajirao brushed aside the British request. On receipt of Cowan’s letter, Bajirao replied,

“I take notice of what you write concerning the peace. That point was fully discussed when we made peace with the Portuguese, no person being present for the British, was reason why they were not included. You desire me to send a person with full powers and instructions, but what has been already proposed (with the Portuguese) is sufficient and to talk of more is not convenient. If you have anything further to offer, you may send one with sufficient powers, and when I know your proposals, I’ll send a person if I deem them proper.”

Bajirao’s firm reply put a dampener on the British hopes. He refused to discuss reparations or a fresh treaty and “complete freedom of trade on the basis of mutuality.” The conflict between Angre and the British lingered on. Beyond a point Shahu did not involve himself with resolving matters between the two. The British propped up the Siddi against Angre but decided never to break with Shahu, whose power was considered too big to trifle with. The Marathas continued to raid areas around the British possessions and the anxious merchants at Mumbai sought advice from London,

“The unsettled condition of the kingdom of Hindustan continues, and the Ganims appear in great bodies from places adjacent to Surat, robbing and plundering what they can, insomuch that it causes a general damp on trade… and… no measures from Court are taken to prevent these incursions… which interrupts all trade from Surat…”

After this, the British passion calmed down completely. Kanhoji too did not want war. He began conciliatory negotiations. Governor Boone left his office and Phipps was appointed in his place. Kanhoji wrote a decent letter to him in 1724. To this Phipps responded arrogantly. So, Kanhoji replied to it on 23 July 1724 as follows, “It doesn’t look good upon traders like you to claim that our administration runs on the business of piracy. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj fought with four Sultanates and established this Maratha kingdom after defeating them. I am just one of his disciples. Whoever engages in commercial activities following the rules of the land, does not and will not face any trouble from our side. Our men are held prisoners by you. If you release them, we will also release your men held by us as prisoners.”

In 1725, the prisoners on both sides were released. After this, many other incidents of reconciliation and hostility occurred between them. The war that Boone started in 1718 went on till 1756. In time, these matters reached a threshold where they had to be acted upon. For now, with Shahu’s attention drawn to the Nizam’s machinations, the affairs on the coast became a sideshow. Marathas engaged in a huge fight with the Abyssinians in 1733. Later similar intense war was fought between the Marathas and the Portuguese in 1737 up to 1739. In those, the British played cleverly and did not help the Abyssinians or the Portuguese. Or possibly, they did not venture to hurt the Peshwas directly for many days. The British used to carefully ensure, that they always complained to Shahu or Peshwas through their correspondence or their emissaries, that Angres troubled them unnecessarily, which was why naturally, they had to resist him.

The moment his ongoing war with the British ended, Kanhoji’s power increased manifold. On 19 February 1724, Shahu brought about a familial relationship between him and Kudal’s Sawants. Renowned and mighty warriors like Shankroji Mohite, Ranoji Gole, Khandoji Nalkar, Rumajirao Kharade, Krishnaji Mod, Hassankhan Jamadar etc. gathered in Kanhoji’s service. They engaged in battles and hard work to protect the kingdom in the Konkan. For this, Shahu awarded him with protocol palanquin and Inam villages to felicitate him, satisfy him. Kanhoji died on 7 July 1729. Until then, the westerners could not do much on the western coast. Considering all these later effects, one can understand how important and conducive Balaji Vishwanath’s Colaba Treaty in 1714 was for the growth of the Maratha kingdom. It also becomes easier to understand how the later disputes on the western coast originated from this initial project.

To be continued

KANHOJI’S REBELLION

Due to Shahu’s return to Deccan and his separate administration, there was dissension in Maratha ranks. Initially Kanhoji ignored this. Since his main rise had been supported by Rajaram and Tarabai, he was naturally inclined towards them and he would follow Ramchandrapant’s orders. He would primarily encounter various rulers on the western coast. The British at Mumbai, Portuguese to their north at Vasai, Angre himself to their south at Colaba, then Janjira’s Abyssinians, Panhala’s Chhatrapatis to Vijayadurg’s south near Malwan, Sawantwadi’s Sawants further down, the Dutch at Vengurla, and the Portuguese again at Goa, further south, all these had been kept under constant threat by Kanhoji through his efforts to maintain the naval power of the Marathas. He himself did not engage in any untoward activities against Shahu initially. But this prestigious naval Sardar of the Maratha kingdom, joined Shahu soon after his arrival back. One of his letters, dated 23 March 1709 has been discovered and other letters expressing the same purport are available for the next two years. It became possible for Shahu to receive secure supplies of cloth and various daily use articles from external countries which had arrived via the sea-route, only through Kanhoji. The following letter shows that Shahu sent his trusted servant Baswant Khoja to Kanhoji for bringing such articles to him.

“In service of Maharaj Rajashree Chhatrapati Swami,

Regards to servant Kanhoji Angre. Through the Swami’s grace, everything here is as expected. We had provided cash amount and list of articles to Rajashree Baswantrao. This has been sent now along with Damaji Jamdar and Viso Hari.

Cash Rupees 5000, garments – 4273, Cloth – 8798, heavy articles – 200, plants 67, Pikdani (spittoon), Samaya (traditional lamps), Gulabdani (perfume sprinkler), beds, Pandan (betel-leaf platter), Velchi (Ilaichi – cardamom), Lavang (clove), Gorochan (a bright yellow pigment found in the head of a cow).

Articles amounting to a sum-total of eighteen thousand three hundred and thirty-nine rupees and eleven annas, some cash, and the plants have been sent. The Swami is the master to submit the response to all this. Regards.”

This proves that Kanhoji Angre was not in the Tarabai camp since the time of Shahu’s arrival. Towards the end of 1711, when Chandrasen’s conspiracy took shape. Around 1712, Kanhoji began his struggles with both the Portuguese and the British, and he captured and looted numerous of their vessels. He captured huge plunder through all this. With the captured money, he gathered new forces, and through Tarabai’s instigation, he attacked Shahu. Meaning, when Khatavkar, Thorat etc. Sardars began promoting Tarabai, Kanhoji too joined them. It is not clear whether Shahu tried to convince him to join his camp.

In 1712, Chandrasen’s revolt escalated, and Shahu fell into deep trouble for a short while. At this time, he dispatched his assistants against each of his opponents. The northern province around Kalyan was Swarajya’s primary support since the time of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, and it would be normally administered by the Peshwas. Shahu’s Peshwa Bahiropant Pingle was stationed there, and he was given the responsibility of dealing with the Angres. Angre attacked in return. He captured the Kalyan province, won forts like Rajmachi, Tung, Tikona, and Ghangad, and it became imminent that he would now attack Pune and Satara. Bahiropant was neither skilled in battle, nor in much of politics. Angre himself was an expert warrior and Bahiropant did not have the wherewithal to control him. Before Bahiropant could reach Lohagad for the next set of moves, Kanhoji himself attacked, and captured Lohagad suddenly. He arrested Bahiropant and Nilo Ballal Chitnis, and kept them captive at Colaba. Of course, this was a matter of huge problem for Shahu. The exact date of the above incident is unavailable. But one reference of 1713 is available, which says, “Tukoji Gujar came to meet the Swami. After the meeting Gujar was rewarded.”

Tukoji Gujar was a naval Sardar, and Bhivji alias Sidhoji Gujar was erstwhile admirals of the navy. After them Kanhoji had got the authority. Presently when Kanhoji himself had raised a standard of revolt against Shahu, he began thinking about removing him and appointing Tukoji Gujar in his place. He probably also entrusted Tukoji with the responsibility to attack Kanhoji. It is not clear what Tukoji did upon this. When Balaji Vishwanath attacked him, he was engaged in disputes with the British and the Siddis. So, Kanhoji engaged into a reconciliatory stand with Balaji and secured the Chhatrapati’s support for his future activities.

To be continued…

DEER DISPUTE

Shahu dispatched Chandrasen to resolve the revolt of Sardars like Damaji Thorat, Udaji Chavhan etc. and asked Balaji to accompany him. In this campaign, they began quarrelling due to a very miniscule reason. One day, while near Umbraj, during the army’s march, a deer was spotted. One Sardar named Piraji Raut in Balaji’s contingent chased it. While chasing, the deer went running into the camp, and entered the tent belonging to a Brahmin clerk named Vyasrao serving the Jadhavraos. Upon this, Piraji and Vyasrao began quarrelling as Piraji began demanding his prey. Vyasrao said, “I am a Brahmin, and whoever enters my tent, I will protect it.”

Finally, Piraji threw his spear (at the deer), but Vyasrao came in the middle and was wounded. Piraji went and informed all this to Balaji. Here, Vyasrao complained to Jadhavrao. So, Jadhavrao informed Balaji to hand over Piraji to him. Balaji replied, “Piraji has surrendered to me. Whatever punishment to be given to him, I will give it.”

Both became fixated on their points. Jadhav dispatched his army against Balaji and ordered them to capture Piraji. Seeing that, Balaji left his camp along with his force. Jadhavrao began chasing them. So, Balaji ran to Purandar fort and sought refuge with the Sachiv there. Jadhav then came to Pune from Baramati, immediately threatened to attack Purandar, and informed the Sachiv, “Drive Balaji away, otherwise we will destroy you.”

So, the Sachiv drove Balaji away. Balaji stepped out, along with his family, children, Ambajipant Purandare, and five to seven hundred horsemen, came to the banks of the Neera River. There he fought Jadhavs and was defeated. So, he entered the forest beyond the village Parinche. At this time, Balaji was accompanied by Sawantwadi’s Pilaji Jadhavrao, and Parinche’s Nathaji Dhumal, etc. Sardars. They, and Shahu’s father-in-law Kanhojiraje Shirke fought bravely and conveyed Balaji safely to Pandavgad fort near Wai. In this battle, Balaji’s son Bajirao got the first experience of battle, and became very close with Pilaji Jadhavrao. Balaji had arrested family members of Vyasrao, Chandrasen’s clerk, which has been referenced to 11 October 1711. This confirms the above dispute.

Balaji dispatched Ambaji Purandare from Pandavgad to Satara to keep Maharaj informed about this whole affair. Ambaji and Khando Ballal were close. Through them, Shahu became aware of the whole story. Upon this, he recalled Balaji to Satara. Since Shahu provided him refuge, Chandrasen informed with a finality, “The Swami should hand over Balaji to me. If he is given refuge, we will quit Maharaj’s service.”

To teach Jadhavs a lesson for this arrogance, Shahu called Haibatrao Nimbalkar. He was near Ahmednagar, and quickly returned to Faltan. Chandrasen was near Pandavgad. To try and avoid any escalation in this affair, Shahu tried reconciliation first. But Chandrasen did not bring himself to accept it. Chandrasen left Pandavgad behind. He met Haibatrao and his forces beneath the Andarki Ghat at Jeoor in a battle (in the Vasant season of year 1711). In it, Jadhav was defeated hands down. After this, he ran away to Panhala via Rahimatpur, and openly joined Tarabai.

After the Commander-in-Chief left, the hearts of many important people began wavering with respect to Shahu. Sawants, Angres, Khanderao Dabhade were already strongly in Tarabai’s support. But due to Chandrasen’s instigation and seeing Shahu’s decline, even Haibatrao Nimbalkar thought about leaving him. Parsoji Bhosale and Chimnaji Damodar were the only two remaining on Shahu’s side. But they were around Khandesh. Peshwa Bahiropant Pingle did not engage in any moves. However, Balaji gathered money and army with help from Pilaji Jadhavrao, Purandares etc.

The moment he understood that Chandrasen had left, Shahu gathered new forces, took away the office of the Commander-in-Chief from him, and gave it to his brother Santaji Jadhav on 1 October 1711. Shahu wanted to avoid hurting the Jadhavrao family as much as possible. Without feeling dejected upon Chandrasen’s desertion, Balaji took help from Ambajipant, took some loans out, and immediately gathered a new army. As a collateral for the loan taken out from the moneylenders, Balaji got Shahu to award him the protocol rights for twenty-five-lakhs. This generated excitement in Shahu’s camp and Balaji acquired primary position in state administration. Since Chandrasen had left, Balaji got the opportunity to display his skill. In this difficult situation, Krishnaji Naik Joshi and his son Mahadaji Krishna from Chas, Babuji Naik’s uncle Krishnaji Naik Joshi of Baramati, helped Shahu a lot in monetary terms. Due to this, Shahu later always favoured them.

To be continued…

LODI KHAN DEFEATED

Some days before 9 July 1708, Commander-in-Chief Dhanaji Jadhav died. His wife Gopikabai committed Sati. His son from eldest wife Santaji, and two sons from younger wife Chandrasen and Shambhusingh were with him at the time of his death. A huge procession had gathered for his final rites. His post-death rituals involved some land donation, which is dated 9 July. Dhanaji seems to have died twelve days before this. His elder son Santaji was living separately at Borgaon Padali near Satara taking care of the hereditary Watan location. Chandrasen was able and a favourite of his father. Shahu appointed him as the next Commander-in-Chief, dispatched his protocol garments, the saffron standard etc. from Satara. He also appointed Shambhusingh as his Mutalik (representative).

Dhanaji was toiling hard since Shivaji Maharaj’s times. He had mounted a mighty resistance against Aurangzeb. Since his partner Santaji Ghorpade was murdered in 1697, he primarily had conducted this struggle against the Mughals for the next ten years. The Badshah had negotiated with him for Shahu’s release. That was why, he was inclined towards Shahu, and he was constantly engaged in efforts to get Shahu released and bring him back to Swarajya. In the letter written by Tarabai to Chandrasen, whatever glorious description has been accorded to Dhanaji, seems to have been deployed by her to try and align Chandrasen to her cause. There is no contemporary source available explaining the relationship between Dhanaji and Tarabai. However, from the fact that he immediately joined Shahu, it doesn’t seem like he had much respect for her. It has been mentioned before, that he used to be under Santaji even in battles.

Since the moneylender Mahadaji Krishna Joshi had helped Shahu profusely when in captivity, Shahu was specifically close to him. Joshi and Balaji Vishwanath too had a close relationship. Mahadaji was instrumental in installing Balaji Vishwanath in his office when Shahu was at Rangna. Balaji wholeheartedly strove for ensuring Shahu’s control was established. Recognising this, either while at Panhala, or even before, at the time of his coronation, Shahu had conferred upon him the office of ‘Senakarta’ (Official Creator of the Army). In this, Shahu’s intention was Balaji should be able to gather forces from surrounding regions and remove the obstacles in his path. This was a time of emergency for him. Bahadurshah had attacked Kaambaksh in the Deccan. Everybody was watching their struggle intently. At the beginning of 1709 itself, Kaambaksh had been defeated, and Bahadurshah’s position had been stabilised. Madan Singh and Raibhanji were serving him and supporting Shahu there. Instead of himself going to meet the Badshah, Shahu sent his Pratinidhi (representative) Gadadharpant to him. Shahu’s letter dated 26 May 1709 addressed to Gadadhar Pratinidhi explains in detail as follows. “Receiving your request letter, the Swami is extremely satisfied. The Badshah is on his way to the Uttarapath along with his army. He had intended to keep some powerful Umrao here. But you advocated the Swami’s loyalty to him, and expressed opinion that this province was now aligned to him, and convinced him to change his plan. This is especially written to ensure, that our forces should not present themselves as opposing in entering Khandesh and proving the above principle wrong. For this purpose, the Swami had recalled all of the armies to meet him in person. All of them are here now. Meanwhile, there was an incident, which you should be aware of. That is why this letter.

“Chakan’s Pathan Lodi Khan was in opposition from the beginning. He had rendered the whole region from Pune up to Purandar desolate through his campaigns. Hearing that his forces travel by the hilly routes, the local Bhils united together and blocked their way. Our Sardars informed Khan that his actions were not correct. War would be incurring losses on both sides. Thus, he was advised to leave the hilly regions. Not listening to this, he readied up for battle. The battle took place. Lodi Khan was killed. Many of our people also lost their lives. Junnar’s Kareem Beg and some camp followers were captured alive. But Kareem Beg was loyal to the Swami. It was imperative for the Swami to release him, and Swami wanted that our alignment with the Empire, without any opposition should be visible. But these (erstwhile Mughal) Thanedars are arrogant and act towards their own dishonour, what can one do then? Somaji Jagtap and Yaseen Khan forget the erstwhile close relationship and plunder our realms. Those need to be kept harmless. The Siddis (Abyssinians) have mounted a huge resistance in the Konkan. Do something about that. You have written, that you have made an effort to capture the forts in the Konkan province. Konkan province is the core of our kingdom, the heart of Swarajya. Do that first. Secondly, you have mentioned that we should gather all forces, go to the Panhala province, align the Sawants to our cause, and capture Rangna fort once. So, after the forces gather, we intend to take this up. The chief Sawant has died. We have written a letter to his son and kept him quiet for now.”

“You wrote, that you met face-to-face with the Badshah. He had presented you with the Mansab and protocol garments. He will bid you farewell upon reaching Aurangabad. While you are returning back, you must be accompanied with sufficient soldiers. So, please write back before the farewell. Whatever forces are around, write to them, so that they can accompany you. You have written about the expenses. Balaji Vishwanath is visiting to meet us. When he does, we will send the money required for your expenses. You have written about your children. But those are considered the Swami’s own children. Your request is not necessary. You have also written, that you would dispatch the documents and you yourself would proceed to religious pilgrimage. So, do not get disheartened this way every time. This would not bring satisfaction to the Swami. Swami doesn’t desire anybody more than you. We have written a letter to the Nawab (Zulfiqar Khan) alongside. It has been drafted in Hindi. Read it once and present it to him.”

The matter in the above letter is eminently supported by imperial bulletins. The bulletin dated 16 May 1709 says, “Sangamner’s informers brought news to the Badshah, that Raja Bhupatrao, Chandrasen, Rao Rambha etc. attacked the Baglan province with thirty-thousand-strong force. While returning back with the plunder and livestock, through the hilly routes, Lodi Khan attacked them. Lodi Khan was killed on 12 May. His palanquin and horses etc. were looted.”

To be continued…

SHAH AALAM’S CAMPAIGN

The Badshah felt utmost hopelessness seeing that he had not benefited a single ounce even after a campaign for the whole year. It has been mentioned before that he recalled all his military commanders for a face-to-face meeting at Aurangabad in the monsoon of 1683. He first tried to reconcile with his angry commanders and lazy sons. Then he again distributed responsibilities of the campaign afresh amongst everyone. At this time Sambhajiraje attacked Chaul and Goa to break the back of the coastal supply lines of the Badshah put in place by the Portuguese. Besides, seeing that Akbar was also trying to escape out of the country from Goa, the Badshah pointed the main thrust of his campaign towards the southern Konkan in the Sawantwadi areas, instead of Kalyan in North Konkan. The Badshah resolved to surround Sambhajiraje there, and corner him, dispatched his son Shah Aalam with excellent preparation towards the south around 15 September, and himself went and stayed further south at Ahmednagar to ensure proper follow-up of the campaign.

When Portuguese and Sawant had gone up against Sambhajiraje, at the same time Shah Aalam had begun to attack him and to get down into Konkan through Ram-Ghat. Shiyabuddin Khan took another force and attacked Pune. He got down into Konkan as well and plundered Nizampur (Dt 27 December 1683). Aurangzeb sent his son Azamshah towards Nasik via Baglan and Khandesh to keep a watch on Akbar. To block any help to Sambhajiraje coming from Bijapur-Golconda, he appointed Khanjahan on that side.

Similarly, he assured the Portuguese at Goa, “Fight with Sambhaji till the end. Our army is on its way to help you.”

The Portuguese accepted the responsibility to supply whatever provisions and ammunition Shah Aalam’s force needed in the campaign. If somehow Shah Aalam faced defeat, Aurangzeb dispatched a follow-up force under another strong sardar Hasan Ali Khan from Bahadurgad. He also joined forces with Shah Aalam near Belgaum. Two renowned brave warriors Ranmast Khan and Daudkhan Quraishi were appointed by the Badshah in Hasan Ali Khan’s vanguard. This meant, all these pieces of the puzzle were falling into place to ensure Sambhajiraje did not get an escape route at all. Ranmast Khan and Daudkhan plundered Sambhajiraje’s outposts like Shahapur and Sampagaon etc. to amass huge loot.

In the month of December 1683, Shah Aalam got down into the region of Sawantwadi via Ram-Ghat. While finding their way through the hilly region, his army had to face immense troubles. Above at the mouth of the Ghat, Hasan Ali Khan was kept waiting for security. At this time Sambhajiraje had directly attacked Goa. So, he could not return quickly enough to block the Mughals in the mountain passes. The moment he received news reports that Shah Aalam was on his way, he stopped fighting with the Portuguese. Even they had become so harassed, that a treaty did not take much time to materialise. Entrusting the responsibility of this treaty to Kalusha, Sambhajiraje lifted the siege of Goa quickly, and speedily returned to fight Shah Aalam. Both engaged in a huge battle, and countless people lost their lives, but no concrete outcome emerged. On 13 December 1683, Sambhajiraje first turned back to Raigad. This was probably because he could have felt that Shiyabuddin Khan would make way towards Raigad. However, Shah Aalam could not block Sambhajiraje. At this time, Akbar was staying at Dicholi. On 15 January 1684, Shah Aalam attacked Dicholi with a huge force containing sixty thousand infantry, forty thousand cavalry, twenty thousand camels, and 1900 elephants. In three more days, 120 Mughal ships entered Goa harbour to supply provisions for the above force. But fearing Sambhajiraje, the Portuguese did not allow these provisions to reach Shah Aalam.

They informed the Shehzada, “If we supply you the provisions, Sambhaji would definitely avenge this act.”

Shehzada had become so arrogant about his strength, that he got very angry at the above response, and he began wreaking destruction in Portuguese realms. For a while people assumed that he would go on to capture all of Goa. In his anger, he also burnt down Sambhajiraje’s outposts like Kudal, Banda, Dicholi, Malwan etc. and plundered the trading harbour at Vengurla. But after this, he had to retreat having no other option. Akbar ran away to Fonda.

To be continued…