SHAHUNAGAR

From the point of view of security, Maratha capital had been settled atop the Satara fort. Later, when it was felt to be inconvenient, Shahu settled a small new city beneath the fort towards the north, and named it Shahunagar. This is Satara of recent times.

Satara was the name of the fort. Shahunagar was the name of the city. “All the standard workshops of the fort were kept at the top of Satara, and a mansion was also built there. A tank was built named as Shahu Talav. It was decided that some people would live at the top, while some would live beneath. The city Shahunagar which was settled beneath and the mansion built within it, did not have water supply, for which a canal was built and water was supplied from Yavateshwar.”

Water was brought from Yavateshwar and Mahadara and arrangement was made for ample water supply for Satara since the time of Shahu Maharaj. The constitution of this Shahunagar and the names of its various parts are reminiscent of the reign of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj. Even though its political relevance has vanished, people are still proud of Satara as the famous capital of the Maratha Confederacy. In the month of December 1720, Bajirao met Shahu at the Satara fort. After that, the meetings for the next seven to eight months have taken place at Machi Satara fort. Shahunagar was established around 1721. In one of the letters dated 18 March 1721, there is a reference to urgently construct a mansion. Shahu and the Peshwa would meet during the initial period there, which have been documented in the daily diary. From these entries one can understand the various constituent elements of the city. Later, in the month of August 1721, there is a reference that Bajirao met Shahu near Shahunagar. This means, Shahunagar was built around 1721.

In these meetings at his capital, Shahu would typically sit on the throne. Shahu’s throne was initially at the Satara fort where the coronation ceremony had taken place. Later, he brought it to the Machi at Shahunagar and housed it in a specially built Ranga-Mahal mansion. In the courtyard behind the throne, there used to be a well named Takht-well. The Chhatrapati’s seat has been variously named Manchak, Takht, Sinhasan etc. The front courtyard of the Ranga-Mahal earlier had a large mansion which housed this throne.

The building called as Adalat (court) was built by Shahu. The Peshwas used to halt here in this garden. The Purandare mansion was nearby. A big transformation came about in the structure of the city between Shahu’s time and after him. On 20 March 1753, the Holi night, a huge fire broke out in Shahunagar and most of the mansions in the city burned down. The Purandare diary notes that in this fire, the mansions belonging to the Peshwa, Purandares, Govindrao Chitnis, Naro Ram Mantri, Dattajipant Waknis, etc. all burned to ashes. Thus, it seems that since there was no necessity, the Peshwa never rebuilt their mansion in Shahunagar or Satara. The British government sold the Rangamahal mansion in 1865. This mansion came to be called as Senapati’s mansion later. This mansion burned down in 1874, and has not left any ruins.

The smaller areas of the city were named after the seven days of the week. Besides, there were other areas named after historical persons like Ramau’s Goth (area), Yadavgopal Peth, Vyankatpura, Chimanpura, Durgapura, Kesarkar Peth, Rajaspura, Pant’s Goth, Raghunathpura etc. In the Mangalwar Peth there was another sub-block named Ramau’s Goth. Nagpur’s Bhosale had his mansion there. This Bhosale family had an elderly woman named Ramau, and the area had been named after her. Another area was named Vyankatpura, which was named after the original ancestral founder of the Ichalkaranji principality, Vyankatrao Ghorpade, who was also a son-in-law for Balaji Vishwanath. It had the famous temple of Shrikrishneshwar. It was built by Bajirao’s maternal uncle Krishnarao Chaskar in Shaka 1645 when he was the official at Satara. This temple is at the western extremity of the town at the foothills of Yavateshwar. When the temple was built, it used to be called Sadashivpura. But when Vyankatrao Ghorpade built his mansion there and began permanently staying in it, it started getting referred to as Vyankatpura. One of Shahu’s Sardars Chimnaji Damodar had his stables (and military camp) at Satara. This place was called Chimanpura. Vishnu Vishwanath Pandit was a private steward of queen Sagunabai. Through his offices, the construction work of Bhargavram’s temple at Dhavadshi was completed. Shahu fathered a daughter with Sagunabai named Rajasbai. The place Rajaspura in Satara was named after her. Tarabai’s erstwhile steward Yadav Gopal Khatavkar enlised into Shahu’s service as his first chief steward. There was one more place in Satara named after him. This area was also known as Peth-Khalsa. Shahu had issued a grant-notification to Yadav Gopal for the Khalsa income. Due to that, Yadav Gopal’s family had also been given the surname Khalse. To the north of Satara city, there was a Peth named Raghunathpura, which now forms a part of the Karanje town. It was named after Bajirao’s son Raghunath.

Beyond the Adalat mansion Khateeb’s house and mosque was built. Dafle was given land for his stables on the Machi, apart from the mansions belonging to Akkalkot’s principal, Mantri, Pingles, the stables belonging to Sheikh Mira, etc. which lasted as ruins until recent times. Sheikh Mira was the Adilshahi Subedar of the Wai province. When Shahu arrived in the Deccan, he was assisting Parashuram Trimbak at the Satara fort. He got the Pratinidhi arrested and handed over the fort to Shahu Maharaj. Therefore, he became Shahu’s favourite and he was closely associated with Satara.

Satara also had a mansion owned by the Sachiv. Whenever he had to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. It had been decided that the expenses of the government Pilkhana (elephant stables) should be borne by the Sachiv. The Pilkhana which was earlier near the Ranga-Mahal had moved to the Yadav Gopal Peth. As a tradition, Maharaj while being carried in ceremonial procession, would take a route beginning at the Ranga-Mahal, to the Adalat, through the Yadav Gopal Peth, to the royal mansion. Otherwise, at the time of larger ceremonies, from the royal mansion, taking the larger road through Bhawani Peth, through the Guruwara, from the Poi square, back to the Ranga-Mahal.

There are numerous references of people from the north Hindustan and from the south coming and settling down at Satara along with their families for businesses like moneylending, diplomatic duties, ritual worship of deities, etc.

Somwar Peth had the mansion belonging to the Angal family. A much famous member of this family Parashuram Narayan Angal had been a renowned moneylender. This Angal family had built the Rameshwar temple at Mahuli confluence, and one of the Ghats over the confluence, and they had also renovated the Krishna River temple at Mahabaleshwar. Shaniwar Peth had two mansions belonging to Balajipant Natoo. The old mansion had been awarded to him at the time of King Pratapsingh Bhosale. Whenever Nana Fadnis used to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. Sumant had his mansion opposite the Natoo mansion. Sumant’s descendants continued living at Riswad in the Karhad Tehsil. Guruwar Peth had the mansions belonging to the Shirkes and Panditrao. These Shirkes were originally from a town named ‘Shreek’. Shahu’s wife Sakwarbai and Sambhaji II’s wife Jijabai both came from this Shirke family. Raviwar Peth had Pant’s Goth. The Pratinidhi used to stay here in his mansion nearby. In terms of association with Satara, Pratinidhi was next only to Shahu Maharaj.

A gentleman named Tansheth Bhurke was the official of the mint during Shahu Maharaj’s reign. Shahu had conferred upon him this authority in the Coronation Era 67, i.e. 1740. Tansheth’s ancestors had been serving Adilshahi at Sangamner on similar responsibility of managing the mint. This family lasted until recently at Satara in the moneylending business.

To be continued…

PUNYASHLOK

There are many documents available, which depict Shahu inquiring sympathetically about common people whom he hardly knew, resolving their complaints, and arranging for their comforts. The whole genealogy of the Maratha history was created through Shahu Maharaj’s inspiration and encouragement. The political system of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s period before his period, disappeared in the dark night of time. The dynasties that remained in operation till independence, the Inam grants, the income revenue assignments etc. are mostly from Shahu’s period. These seem to have left a lasting impression upon Maharashtra. Nobody in our history would have been so successful in weaving together various people with their distinctive nature and distinctive capabilities in a single cause and extracting appropriate work from them better than Shahu. He enjoyed whatever service anybody could offer. He subdued many powerful magnates tactfully. Many persons can be cited as examples, like Parashurampant Pratinidhi, Damaji Thorat, Udaji Chavhan, Udaji Pawar, his own aunt Tarabai and Sambhaji II, Chandrasen Jadhav, Janoji Nimbalkar, and many more, who were his opponents at the beginning, but came to his side later, or at least were rendered harmless. The only person who had to bear some kind of punishment seems to be Kanhoji Bhosale. But Shahu never treated him badly. Even when Chanda Saheb was a prisoner at Satara for seven long years, he was given excellent arrangement like his own household. He was never dissatisfied afterwards, and never betrayed thereafter.

Many of the erstwhile historians show Shahu as lax, lazy and a person reveling in luxury. But there is a slight difference. Common behaviour of the erstwhile kings was, they were the collection of virtues, their servants and subjects were all shirkers. They used to take credit for any kind of good deed, while blame anything bad on their subjects. Shahu never had such duplicitous nature. There was no inside-outside in his nature. If anybody committed a mistake and admitted it, he would immediately pardon it, and would give credit for this goodness to the other. Happiness of others meant a joy to him. He would never dare to adopt a strict stance. One has to adopt a strict stance on the battlefield, so he always considered that part of his activities as despicable. Still, he used to pay very careful attention to all the activities at the national level. He never sat idle, would constantly keep working. Wherever he was, on the journeys, hunts, even in his bedroom, work went on incessantly. He would carry out activities like meeting the Sardars, reasoning with them, resolving their animus, at times threatening them, other times rewarding them, or even punishing them, but reining them in and aligning them with the chief executive, the Peshwa, through utmost sympathetic perspective, through an emotion of affection, and through his Godfearing nature, and would emerge successful in them. He was straightforward and open at heart, very perceptive and sensitive, well-behaved, magnanimous, generous, and one who would himself bear troubles but achieve the benefit of the kingdom, who would be overwhelmed in someone else’s grief. The nation was blessed with such a leader Shahu in time of calamity. Only because of that, Marathi kingdom grew quickly to its true potential and our history achieved deserving heights of which we all can sing paeans. Otherwise, at the time of Aurangzeb’s death, there was no Marathi kingdom. There was an abundance of Hindus and Muslims full of negativity. The risk of losing everything in their internecine warfare loomed large. The credit of protecting the Swarajya from this crisis, and expanding it into an Empire, must be given primarily to Shahu and his devotees the Peshwas.

Shahu’s imperial council had become a family spread all over. The Peshwa, the Pratinidhi, other ministers, Sardars, respected elders, diplomats, queens, concubines, servants and maidservants, other assistants, etc. all had become one with this grand council. Birubai was indeed a concubine. But most of the council respected her like a revered mother. The typical internal dissensions in other common families were also seen in this world-family. Personal interests, competition, jealousies, claims, secret schemes, etc. were abundantly prevalent in it. But the form they took was of playful banter, and not of manslaughter, and finally everybody would accept the Maharaj’s orders, due to which the affairs would never escalate beyond measure. Eighteen different castes from the land banded together through this notion of unity, and performed in campaigns and on battlefields fighting shoulder to shoulder with their colleagues. The leadership of this imperial council was held by the Peshwa like the seniormost son of a household. He too would take care of the whole administration through that emotional and heartfelt attachment. Thus, this Swami Shahu of the Maratha Confederacy had become the fount of power for the nation, and personified reincarnation of the national enterprise.

To be continued…

LAST RITES

“On the third day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Margashirsha, on the Pushya constellation, Shaka 1671, Thursday, 15 December 1749, four hours into the morning, Chhatrapati Shahu proceeded to Vishnu-Lok (Vishnu’s world). It was truly the end of an epoch. People turned extremely miserable. All big and small people, servants, a father-figure for them, their protector and provider, had gone away. They all remembered him and became miserable. I am rendered incapable to write about the pangs of misery felt. Because such a sympathetic Lord had never been before. At his death, he was the longest serving ruler in India, and in the forty-one years of his rule had faced many vicissitudes. The energy in his early years was not seen later, however, by his even-handed approach, he reached a stage where he had no enemies. Even when a criminal was caught alive in the master’s reign, he never uttered the word, ‘Kill’ and instead used, ‘Ready up your weapons.’ He was a true Ajatshatru (one who never had any enemy). His sons (people like his sons), friends and competitors would treat him with complete unanimity. He never spoke wrongly with anybody. Such virtuous king died. At that time, Raos (warriors) and Pants (diplomats), all big and small dignitaries went and sat beside his body. A huge cloud of misery fell upon everyone. How much should one console people. In such a commotion, Tarabai, Rajaramsaheb’s wife, Shahu Maharaj’s aunt, who had been held captive, came to seek his last sight. But Raya (Govindrao Chitnis) approached her quietly and requested her, ‘Maharaj, you are the master, and everybody wishes that you do not witness this event. So, I request you to come with me to your place. Give me any order there. Whatever you order, it will be fulfilled appropriately.’”

Saying this, he brought her to her place, arranged for security, and asked her what he should do further. She replied, “If Sakwar stays back, she will split and destroy the kingdom. She would not allow anybody to stay firm on their positions. So, if she commits Sati then it will be good. She should begin thinking about that first, and then think about anything else. Bringing Sambhaji II from Karweer, would not be acceptable to everybody, and I too won’t advice that. My daughter-in-law’s son is living at Pangaon, who should be brought here and installed on the throne. What else!”

Taking these orders, Govindrao Chitnis relayed the overall directive to Nanasaheb. After that, everybody including the Pratinidhi, Dabhade, Akkalkot’s principal, Rajadnya etc. big and small Sardars and officials unanimously decided, “Sakwar Baisaheb should be told to commit Sati. If she does not go willingly, she should be forced to. She would raise unnecessary disputes against everyone after Maharaj. Then it won’t be good to keep searching for a resolution. It is better, to end this now.”

After this, Bai’s brother Kunwarji Shirke was a noble and wise gentleman. The Peshwa and the Chitnis asked Kunwarji to inquire what the queen wished. The options before her were to live her life as a widow – an arduous undertaking in those times – or to immolate herself with her husband, an act that was at that time, considered meritorious to the queen as well as the departed king. The opposing party, comprising Yamaji and Dadoba Pratinidhi were already placed in custody.

Upon that, he went to Bai, and relayed the suggestion in his own words, “Hereafter, I don’t see any other Sardar except for this Brahmin who can control the whole kingdom. If you think of remaining behind by listening to someone else’s advice, you might have to follow their orders. In that no greatness would accrue to you. Whatever is written in our destiny, we will face it. But you should try and achieve whatever fame you have attained. Everybody will really appreciate it.”

After he conveyed this thought in various ways, whatever candidature she had held in her mind, she lost confidence. She agreed. So, he came back to Raya (Chitnis) and Pant (Peshwa) and told them, “Get the preparations done. If she goes along, then good, if not, we will take her away.”

The Chitnisi Bakhar of Shahu Maharaj has some additional detail. “Forty-two years into the Rajyabhishek Shaka (era of Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation), Shahu Maharaj returned from the captivity of the Mughals, established his unopposed authority over this land, achieved the utmost virtuous status, and went to his heavenly abode. It was an extremely sad event. Pradhanpant, Govindrao steward, and other Sardars secured the city on all sides, and installed their security guards around the mansions and workshops. After this, Pradhanpant etc. Sardars went and sat inside Govindrao’s house. They called the queen’s father (brother by the previous account) Kunwarji Shirke, and told him, ‘What is Baisaheb’s desire? As per Maharaj’s orders, does she want to carry forward the kingdom’s administration together with us, installing an authoritative person as the master on the throne? We all are followers of orders, whether of Maharaj or from Baisaheb, but does she intend to commit Sati? Please do ask her this.’ They also told him to reassure her, ‘Whoever stewards raise dispute against you, we will subdue them as per Maharaj’s orders.’ They also dispatched their own security detail to surround Dadoba Pratinidhi and Yamajipant and his contingents to temporarily restrict their movements. Shirke relayed the message to Baisaheb. That time, Baisaheb thought, ‘All-powerful Pradhanpant, Govindrao, and all other stewards have come together, and their plan of installing Tarabai’s grandson on the throne is turning out to be successful. I relied on Dadoba and Yamaji, who did not prove effective in pursuing my plan. If I adopt him as my own son, and decide to stay back, then it will not behoove to my dignity to act as per his orders, indirectly Tarabai’s orders. So, it will be a waste to remain behind.’ So, she decided to commit Sati, and sent an order that the preparations should be done quickly. The moment this message arrived, the Pratinidhi and Yamajipant were immediately clapped in irons and imprisoned, and were dispatched to Purandar and Kavnai forts. All the workshops were locked to secure them, and both went to the site of the ritual in palanquins, along with the usual imperial paraphernalia.”

To be continued…

SHAHU MAHARAJ’S DEATH

At his end, the queen Sakwarbai took Maharaj from the Vanwaswadi to his royal mansion. She installed her own security on the palace and outside. She made various Brahmins sit in ritual worship at various places. She began toying with the ideas like nobody should be allowed to enter the royal mansion to meet Maharaj without her permission, Pradhan and Chitnis should be quickly dispensed with. The Peshwa took precaution regarding this, and decided to bring the child of Pangaon as per Maharaj’s orders. When the queen began insisting with the Maharaj trying to force his hand, Maharaj said to her, that her plans would not succeed without a strong army. Both parties began amassing their forces. Govindrao alone personally visited the houses of the Pratinidhi, Senapati, Sarlashkar, Akkalkot’s principal, Bimbaji Bhosale, Raghuji and Mudhoji Bhosale, etc.; sat with each of them for quartiles upon quartiles, days on end, and informed them the orders of Maharaj, checking whether anybody was desirous of taking the responsibility of running the kingdom. But none of them accepted the responsibility. Bai tried very hard to entice Govindrao to her party. She issued grant-notification conferring upon him various Inams. But he would not listen. So then, she planned to eliminate him. In that, due to a mistake, one of his assistants Tulaji was killed. Bai invited Sambhajiraje along with his armies from Kolhapur. But Maharaj sent Bapuji Khanderao to him, and informed him that he should not intervene in this matter, due to which he returned.

Shahu communicated his decision that Tarabai’s grandson Ramraja should be brought and crowned as the next king. On 1 October 1749, the king made two lists addressed to the Peshwa. These lists seem to be written around the occasion of Vijayadashmi, in the Navaratri festival. In these two lists, the king wrote,

“List 1 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. You must take command of the entire force. I ordered everyone else to do this, but it is not their destiny. Maharaj is ill and does not appear will get better. The Government must carry on. Our dynasty should be placed on the throne. Do not place the one from Kolhapur. We have informed Chitnis everything, act according to that. The successor from my dynasty should be obeyed and the Confederacy properly run. Chitnis is the Swami’s trusted confidante. With mutual consultations, preserve the kingdom. My successor will not interfere with you. Rest, you are wise enough.

“List 2 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. The Swami is confident that you will run the state’s administration. I had already thought so, but the Chitnis made my faith unshakeable. I have placed my hand on your head. My successor will continue your appointment as Pradhan. We bind them in pledge if they ever waver from this path. Run the kingdom by his orders. Preserve the kingdom. What more to write! You are wise enough.”

These two lists were like the grant notifications issued by Shahu to the Peshwa detailing the authority of the executive office of the Maratha Confederacy. Although the original letters do not have the royal seal, they are entirely in Shahu’s own handwriting, and the king’s intention is quite clear. The Peshwa was given the responsibility of looking after the kingdom with Ramraja as the king, who would not remove him from his post.

The orders within these lists for the Peshwa are clear enough. He should bring his army and secure the region. As informed to the Chitnis, the Peshwa should bring in a new master, and he himself should manage the whole administration. He should not bring in Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II. Whatever were doubts in Maharaj’s mind about the Peshwa, was driven away by the Chitnis. So, Shahu blessed him and ordered him to honestly run the administration. He followed it. At the end, Shahu warned the Peshwa, “’We have issued various charitable endowments for different deities, Brahmins, have assigned them the authority of first worship, have set up various charities, have awarded many benefices, Jagirs, villages, and land-parcels for their service, to various people like our own brethren, those born in the same Gotra, various other Kunbi Marathas etc., and even people from other castes, which you should respect after us. You should not block anybody. If you disturb the awards committed to by us, and oppress people who had been respected by us, then the office of the Peshwa would not remain with you permanently.’ Informing everybody thus, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj applied ritual ash on his arms and sides, wore the garland of Rudraksh beads, lay down a white blanket over a bed of straw, chanted Lord Shriram’s name and the words ‘Shiva Har Har’ eleven times, stopped his breath, and went to his heavenly abode, on the above-mentioned date, in the royal mansion, at Satara.”

This overall event proves that Shahu finalised whatever he felt was the best possible arrangement in relation to the future system, and then laid down his life. He suspected that Sakwarbai etc. people would begin a dispute at the end. Therefore, he decided that Ramraja should be brought to the throne after him. Otherwise, at the time of his death, the capital would have been torn between two warring factions. The Peshwa desired to remove the dissension between the two halves of the kingdom by bringing Sambhaji II to the throne. It did not succeed due to the above arrangement. In all this, Tarabai tactfully succeeded in her plan. It turned out to be harmful for the kingdom later. Sambhaji II’s capability was also not much to write home about. So, one cannot say that his prowess would have shined brighter than that of Ramraja. The Peshwa did not think twice before satisfying Tarabai as well. It was not as if the Peshwa intentionally brought an incapable person on the throne and captured all the power for himself. It was clear that the benefit of the kingdom and the Peshwa himself lay in having a capable person as the master. Chitnis and the Peshwa worked together and protected the kingdom. Sakwarbai had begun troubling Chitnis, but the Peshwa supported him through that. Shahu had thought about adopting Raghuji’s son Mudhoji. He was Queen Sagunabai’s cousin’s son. His character was revealed later in the history of Nagpur. It shows clearly that he too did not have the capability to take care of the Marathi kingdom. This way, Shahu’s reign came to an end and a new revolution was brought in the Maratha Empire.

To be continued…

SUCCESSOR IDENTIFIED

“Sambhajiraje does not have the capability to control the kingdom, and is not blessed with abundance of intellect. So, it is necessary to adopt an heir. Therefore, the child that Tarabai has brought up secretly needs to be investigated. If we adopt an heir from outside, there will be disputes later. Maharaj dispatched his trusted ministers and cavalrymen to Pangaon. Therefore, Govindrao was sent to Aaisaheb and everything was documented. Upon that, some additional notes were added in his (Maharaj’s) own handwriting. He called Bawda’s Bhagwantrao Amatya. He dispatched Yashwantrao Potnis and Govindrao Chitnis to take good care of Bhagwantrao. He was asked to confirm on oath near Shri Krishna. It was confirmed that the child was true-born. Upon this, Maharaj said, ‘Make this child the master after me, and act as per his orders to protect the kingdom.’ This news was relayed to Sakwarbai. Thinking that she would have to act as per Tarabai’s orders, Sakwarbai became very angry with Pradhan, Chitnis, Devrao and Yashwantrao. Numerous schemes began getting hatched at various places to capture, imprison or finish-off the chief stewards. Sakwarbai began stating that Tarabai’s grandson was fake, and Tarabai had erected a falsehood. She colluded with Yamajipant and amassed some forces, and engaged into the political move to install Sambhajiraje. She also ensnared the castellan and the fort soldiery to subdue Tarabai. She began thinking that Maharaj was extremely distressed due to all this, and of not allowing access to him for the stewards. Maharaj recognised the difficulty of the situation, called Pradhanpant for a one-to-one meeting in solitude, gave him the list of activities in his own handwriting, and with Govindrao as witness, gave him the written approval.” This description occurs in the Bakhar documents, which is also corroborated with the help of available documents.

Shahu had Tarabai record her statement before the Chitnis and he called Bhagwantrao, the son of Ramchandrapant Amatya of Kolhapur, to confirm the claim. Once Bhagwantrao had on oath repeated what Tarabai had said, Shahu believed him. However, the news leaked and Sakwarbai heard of it. This prompted Shahu and Tarabai to write to Bhagwantrao Amatya to take Ramraja to a village Lakhanpur and not to leave him with the caretaker Rajput family. For five years, the boy was looked after by the Amatya. Later, he was taken to Pangaon and left with the Rajput’s family. His elder daughter Daryabai Nimbalkar looked after him.

The prospect of Tarabai’s grandson as a successor was not easily accepted by Sakwarbai, and she claimed the boy was a fake. She felt it would mean being subservient to Tarabai in the days to come and began mobilising men to her cause. She called Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Mutalik (representative) to the Pratinidhi, who concurred with her that the boy was not the real heir. According to the Bakhar, Sakwarbai authorised Yamaji to arrange for the Peshwa’s assassination, as she saw him as the main obstacle in her scheme of things. Yamaji hired an assassin but felt Govindrao Chitnis should be the victim, owing to his proximity to the king. The attempt on Govindrao failed. In fact, Govindrao, who heard of the plot, plunged his own sword into his would-be assassin.

The growing antagonism between Sakwarbai and the Chitnis as well as the Peshwa was, however, to prove fatal to her future plans. Shahu had sent out his trusted men to search for the boy. However, Sakwarbai would not allow the boy to be brought before Shahu, and during the king’s lifetime, he was not. Sakwarbai also urged Sambhaji II of Kolhapur to come to Satara with a large army to force the issue. However, Shahu stopped him saying that it would not be prudent to do so.

By August 1749, Shahu was ready to make his final arrangements. He summoned Raghuji Bhosale, however, he could not come. Babuji Naik tried to meet Shahu but Maharaj prohibited him from coming to his presence. Fatehsingh expressed his inability to undertake the responsibility of managing such a large kingdom. Shahu then commanded the Peshwa to arrive at Satara with a large army to maintain order. Nanasaheb was alert. Upon Maharaj’s orders, he gathered a huge army and leaving Pune he went to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar, Janardanbaba etc. Sardars on 21 August 1749 (mentioned as September 1749 at some places). He returned to Pune only after Shahu’s death, his last rites, and Ramraja’s installation to the throne in the month of April 1750.

To be continued…

SEARCH FOR NEXT MASTER

Moving on, Maharaj removed his attachments to worldly affairs completely, and entered into the Vanaprastha Ashrama (living in forest) as per Hindu practice. “Deciding that he would not visit Satara again; he would live only on the banks of Shri Krishna; he built a hutment between Satara and Mahuli and began living there. It was called Vanwaswadi. At this time, the younger queen Sagunabai fell ill. Lakhs of rupees were spent in treating her illness through medicines as well as religious solutions. But it would not recover. Due to this, Maharaj became very sad. After this, Maharaj himself took her to Shri Jejuri. There too, he indulged in ample religious worship and charitable donations. But her life had come to its end. It folded up (25 August 1748). On the same day, he left along with her dead body, and arrived at Mahuli after three quartiles of the next day. She was cremated, a memorial was constructed and regular worship was arranged at that place.”

His health continued to deteriorate. After his younger queen died, Shahu did not have any loving person left at home. His health too began deteriorating by the day. There is one more reference which mentions, “Maharaj fell ill in the Adhik month.”

In 1749, the month of Bhadrapad was the Adhik month. This meant that situation turned for the worse in the month of August 1749. At that time, Shahu called the Peshwa to Satara along with his army. Shahu trusted him like a son, and he was the only one who was able to keep the state administration under control.

Chhatrapati Shahu had been ailing since 1747, and the search for a successor was on since then. The original option of calling Sambhaji II of Kolhapur was backed by Sakwarbai, however, Shahu himself was not in favour. For one, Sambhaji II himself was quite old and had no son to succeed him. Shahu also felt that he did not have the capability of managing a vast Empire. Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai died on 25 August 1748. On her death, Sakwarbai realised that it would be difficult to have Sambhaji II as the successor, and agreed to have Raghuji’s son Mudhoji as Shahu’s successor. Raghuji Bhosale’s wife was Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai’s sister. However, Raghuji, after mending his ties with the Peshwa in 1747, did not visit Satara. At this time, Sambhaji II’s queen Jijabai II wrote to the Peshwa reminding him of the secret pact to make her husband the king at Satara.

Maharaj began worrying about the protection of the kingdom that had been acquired. So, he decided to gather eligible children from the Bhosale family, and decided to finalise an heir. Sakwarbai and the Pratinidhi, however, raised a different view. Vithojiraje’s lineage consisted of eight sons, and Sharifjiraje had his own lineage. Men were dispatched to investigate who was a better child out of them, their royal attributes, and intellectual qualities.

Maharaj completely trusted Govindrao Chitnis, Yashwantrao Potnis, Devrao Meghashyam. These people would stay with Maharaj and take care of the administration. Soon, all these moves to search for a successor were abandoned when Tarabai, the dowager queen of Chhatrapati Rajaram, living at Panhalgad initially under house arrest and then at Satara fort since 1730, with Shahu giving her every respect, revealed that her grandson, of the Bhosale bloodline was alive. When the search for a successor began, she disclosed to Shahu that she had a grandson, born posthumously to her son Shivaji II (who died in 1726), and being secretly looked after by a family in a village named Pangaon. The boy grew to manhood without disclosing his identity to prevent any harm to him from the ruler at Kolhapur. Tarabai sent a message, “Why are you searching for another child as heir? I have secretly brought up my son Shivajiraje’s son. He should be made the master.”

Due to that, the decision about external children for appointment to the throne fell behind. Shahu strove hard to search for an appropriate heir who could control the kingdom. At this time, Rana Jagat Singh was ruling at Udaipur and he had a younger brother named Nathaji. Shahu brought this Nathaji to Satara. With an intention to bring about a closer unity amongst the Rajputs and the Marathas, Shahu informed Rana Jagat Singh, that he would adopt his brother Nathaji, and would make him the master of the Marathi kingdom. His approval was requested. By the time this request from Shahu arrived, Ranaji had already appointed Nathaji on the Jagir of Wagor. Due to this, Shahu’s desire remained unfulfilled. Similarly, Jaipur bulletins also mention, that Shahu had tried to get one Rajput Kshatriya named Kushal Singh adopted and get the Malwa grant-notifications approved in his name from the Badshah using the good offices of Sawai Jaisingh.

To be continued…

SHAHU’S SELF-IMPOSED EXILE

Jijabai II tried engaging with Sadashivrao Bhau, displaying affection towards him, tried get the throne at Satara for Sambhaji II to after Shahu, or at least getting Sadashivrao Bhau to accept the office of the Pradhan at Kolhapur so that a unified command and control structure prevailed all over the kingdom. In 1748, she wrote to Sadashivrao, “In reference to the previous context, we have sent Dadambhat Shrotri to you. To ensure that your prowess is visible without delay, your fame is displayed excellently, and you become the recipient of deserved success, we have prepared the ground since last year. In relation to the duties of Swarajya, our discussions have taken place before. We have provided lists of agreements. According to that, you should urgently inform Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan to come for a meeting with Saheb, and act on the plan for the benefit of the kingdom. Saheb is just a mediator, he is fully confident that your loyalty is unwavering. What agreement has Saheb entered into with you; how he has made use of the above-mentioned Pandit’s lap as his pillows; think well about all these things, and urgently act upon the planned task.”

Later, when Raghuji left and went to Bengal, Shahu urgently called Raghuji back to Satara in the month of October 1749, which occurred two months before his death. His letter said, “You secure your region and come here. We only trust you.”

But Raghuji was unwavering in his resolve, “I have already entered into a friendship with the Peshwa on oath. I will not betray that word. I will act as per the Peshwa’s orders.”

After that, in the month of November 1749, the animus between the Pradhanpant and Sakwarbai went on increasing. Sakwarbai urgently called Sambhaji II to Satara. To that Sambhaji II replied, “If we thought about taking Sakwarbai’s side after going to Satara, the friendship with Pantapradhan goes sour. He is the most influential in the kingdom. So, I won’t go for now. If it comes to worst, we will gather ten to twenty thousand force and join the Pantapradhan.”

Raghuji returned to Satara only after Shahu’s death, when Ramraja called him in the month of April 1750, and acted within the Peshwa’s orders. One of the erstwhile letters has described Raghuji, “Raghuji’s pride was like mercury, a water droplet over a lotus leaf.”

Shahu’s nature had become extremely delicate and irritable. Nagorao Meghashyam and his elder brother Devrao used to stay near him. On 25 October 1747, Nagorao wrote, “Devrao took leave from the master and went to Indapur. The master satisfied him by pledging over his head. Maharaj appreciated him saying that he had toiled hard at his doorstep day and night, and covered his (Devrao’s) shoulders in his own shawl. The court’s heart is in a very delicate state. He cannot bear too many meetings. However, Bai remains around him a lot. It is not like anybody tries to speak with him in private. Sukhanand was going to meet him. To him too, master spoke with sarcasm. Due to that, he quit going there to meet him. Yesterday, I and Raya were invited to the senior mansion (Sakwarbai) seven to eight times. All three of us went there. Bai engaged in a huge drama. She kept asking for a minimum of twenty-five lakh rupees of her debt from Maharaj. She asked for cash, saying what she would do with chits of paper. All three of us came and requested Rajashree. He just blew it all away. He desires about getting marriages completed. At least two, he would finish off decidedly. He has ordered to begin Birubai’s memorial at Mahuli. He is saying he would go to visit Pratapgad. He might also go to Jejuri if possible. Babuji Naik was going to visit for a meeting, but he was refused.”

In 1748, Purandare wrote to the Peshwa, “Younger queen was down with fever caused by headache for one or two days. Presently fever remains, and head also aches. She cannot speak. She has become extremely dismayed. The Vaidya says that this illness does not seem to be abating quickly. She gets extremely frightened. If the illness does not recover, the Swami will have to come. We keep visiting every day. She has become very weak.”

A report on 23 June 1748 read, “Rajashree Swami was planning to return after completing the Medha campaign. But the illness of Ramoji Shirke posed a huge challenge. So, he arrived at Old Kalamb along with the forces. He stayed for ten to fifteen days there. After that, the monsoon began its business in the extreme. Maharaj entered the village. We too were with him. He (Ramoji Shirke) displayed immense detachment. Maharaj finished the protocol ceremony, feast, inquiries of the ill Ramojibaba, and returned to the army camp. The river began flowing to the brim. Both took leave of each other one day. Thereafter, it was decided to stay at Godoli. There, a special room was appointed for privacy. A common thatched roof hut has been appointed for himself. Accordingly, as per everybody’s position and out of respect for him, all have built their own places of stay made of thatched roof only. However, Devraoji keeps him constant company. While the diagnostic treatment was on, Ramojibaba proceeded to his creator on the sixth night. He was carried to Mahuli like that. The four auspicious months are to be spent at Godoli. The Swami desires to install proper roofs. Hunting is second nature. The queen is at home in her mansion for the past ten days. She keeps visiting twice. Whatever political and religious discussions take place, are anyways conveyed regularly to the Swami. The son has the plan of the Carnatic in his heart.” After this, on 25 August 1748, Sagunabai died.

To be continued…

IN A FLUX

The failure of Babuji Naik was not just due to his own faults. He had detractors from within the Maratha fold, including the Peshwa himself. Not only did the Peshwa prove to be sufficient for Babuji Naik and Sambhaji II, but he also rendered powerful men like Raghuji Bhosale and Murarrao Ghorpade completely harmless. The Peshwa’s trusted lieutenants were working on this task sitting at their courts continuously. Whether it was Raghuji or Murarrao, both realised the situation correctly, did not allow anybody outside to fathom their hearts, and kept behaving as the events unfolded. Since they completely recognised the Peshwa’s strength, they never took it upon themselves to oppose him.

Nanasaheb returned to Satara in August 1748. By then, two stalwarts on the Indian scene had departed from the scene. Mohammedshah died before the victorious army from Manupur could return to Delhi. His son Ahmedshah was declared the new Badshah, with Mansoor Ali Khan Safdarjung appointed as the new Vazir. The Nizam-ul-Mulk died on 21 May 1748 at Burhanpur. He had, in twenty-four turbulent years in the Deccan, managed to survive and control the narrative of the politics in the peninsula. Despite the strength of the Marathas and their victories over him, he had astutely avoided being removed from his perch. The crisis during Nadir Shah’s invasion had placed him in real danger. However, with his cleverness and patience, he had extricated himself from the most difficult situations. His death, however, threw up yet another succession dispute after Jaipur.

On his way back from the north, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung, perhaps in July or August 1748. A letter from the Nizam’s court to Sadashivrao Bhau dated October 1748 gives more details, “The Nizam has met Rajashree Pradhanpant. The Nawab has given four lakh rupees to him for expenses. Treasure laden on thirty camels came to the Pradhanpant.”

After Nizam-ul-Mulk died, in the month of October 1748, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung and established friendly relations with him. The death of rulers of Jaipur and Hyderabad unleashed a race for succession due to a surfeit of claimants. In the case of the Marathas, Shahu not having a legitimate son, and getting on in years, had not found an answer to the vexed question of succession. His queens, and the dowager queen Tarabai – now nearing seventy and living at Satara – and a host of Maratha Sardars and intriguing ministers began to influence the succession. The struggle involved a concern for the royal lineage, the house of Kolhapur, the caste-divide of the Brahmins, Marathas and other castes, and to top it all, a descendant of the royal house of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj brought up in obscurity. Eventually, this was to occupy two full years of Nanasaheb’s reign when huge political changes were sweeping over the rest of the country.

On hearing the death of Mohammedshah and the Nizam, Dupleix felt the Marathas would grow stronger. He said to Ananda Ranga Pillai, “There will be war and the Marathas will grow still stronger. Since the Nawab of Bengal died, the Marathas have seized his brother and are ruling the whole of Bengal. They will do the same here. These things are pre-ordained; the Badshah at Delhi has died and many have perished for no reason at all and there is confusion. We shall see the same things in these parts next.”

Ananda Ranga replied, “Is so much evil awaiting us?”

The coming years would answer Ananda Ranga Pillai’s question.

The Peshwa had consolidated his plans outside by excellently maintaining all his external relations. Bhausaheb had established a permanent bond of friendship with Murarrao in the Carnatic campaign. The Pratinidhi, Sawants etc. fought with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad. In it, Sambhaji II insisted with Murarrao to help Tulaji. But he did not play any role in that affair. Overall, each and every influential person stayed glued to their spot towards Shahu’s end of days.

The discerning people all over the kingdom were watching what plan Shahu decided. A general feeling spread everywhere, that nobody could control the kingdom like the Peshwa, and it was appropriate to seek his refuge. It was clearly evident that Sadashivrao Bhau went to the Carnatic and blew Babuji Naik away. This event portrayed Sadashivrao Bhau’s character in sharp relief, even more aggressive than Nanasaheb.

To be continued…

INTERNAL-EXTERNAL HURDLES

Since Babuji Naik had collected some tribute in Sambhaji II’s realms, Sambhaji II had come to Satara and sat there for five to six months in order to complain against Naik. Meanwhile, when the Peshwa stood guarantor, Sambhaji II left. Accordingly, after Sambhaji II left, Babuji Naik came to Satara for meeting Maharaj. Shahu protested against him, “Due to this, he began fasting sitting on the Swami’s doorway. Because of that, Maharaj became very angry. The mediators keep falling at the Swami’s feet daily. Don’t know what result God has appointed.”

Babuji’s plight brought a letter from the Peshwa’s grandmother Radhabai asking him to do whatever was necessary to save the lives of the Naik brothers. Babuji himself would not come before Maharaj. Eventually, the Peshwa compensated Sambhaji II. Over time, Babuji was given some compensation and he withdrew his fast.

In the month of May 1747, Raghuji came to Satara. In the initial two to three months of the same year, Shahu had become upset with the Peshwa and he had been removed from the office for a short while. One can speculate from this, that Shahu suggested taking away the Peshwa office, and that Raghuji manage the complete administration. But Raghuji and the Peshwa discussed this proposal, and Raghuji did not accept the burden of the administration. At this time, Kanhoji Bhosale’s son Rayaji and Raghuji were struggling with each other. A report says on 1 May 1747, “Raghujibaba was presented protocol clothes by the younger queen. But he is still here. His attention is drawn towards Rayaji Bhosale’s benefices. Once that is resolved, Raghuji will leave.”

This bickering between Sambhaji II and Babuji Naik lasted until Shahu’s end. On 7 June 1747, Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Anubai), Aabaji Naik’s wife died, due to which, the relation between the Peshwas and the Naiks came to an end.

After leaving Tiruchirappalli, Murarrao Ghorpade had been staying at Gutti. Sambhaji II and Jijabai invited him to Kolhapur in the month of December 1747 with an intention to break the back of the numerous disputes that prevailed in their realms. Arjoji Jadhav had been sitting pretty with stations like Wadgaon etc. under his control. Murarrao taught him a sound lesson, and settled down Jijabai’s control everywhere. He had three-and-a-half-thousand cavalrymen and three cannons. One of the erstwhile scribe reports, “Previously, at the time of Bajirao Peshwa, the Nizam had supported Panhala’s Maharaj and raised the heat. Similar plan seems to be afoot again. Murarrao’s sweet-talk has influenced Sambhaji II and Jijabai. Baisaheb is extremely scheming. She does not have a quiet mind.”

In 1747, the news about Mahadaji Ambaji Purandare’s betrayal reached Shahu. Kohlapur was rife with such big or small conspiracies. Without engaging in them much, Murarrao went back to the Carnatic in the month of March 1748.

The Nizam summoned Anwaruddin Khan from Arcot, and in a battle against the combined armies of the Nizam and the Nawab’s of the Carnatic, Babuji faced a defeat at Basavapattan. In the process, Babuji had lost the bulk of his wealth in defending the territory between the Krishna and Tungabhadra that Shahu had given him to administer.

The Nizam began his activities to collect tributes from Bednoor, Savnoor etc. Naik, Peshwa etc. people were trying to accomplish their objectives through the Nizam’s approval, without opposing the Nizam or giving him battle. The Nizam dispatched his son Naseer Jung to the Carnatic, but he could not achieve much. The Nizam was getting old and Maratha presence in the south had reduced over the last few years. Since around this time, the Nizam’s health went on deteriorating day-by-day, and he died later. Due to this, the Peshwa began succeeding in the Carnatic.

Babuji Naik’s last attempt to fight for the Carnatic was in June 1748. The situation had changed by then as Chanda Saheb had been released by the Marathas for a ransom and a fresh Maratha army under Fatehsingh and Raghuji had gathered at Akkalkot, ready to march towards the Carnatic. A message from Satara that reached Ananda Ranga Pillai at Pondicherry describes Babuji’s anguish, “The messenger from Satara tells me that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale have assembled their troops at a place called Akkalkot, 180 miles this side of Satara, and are marching this way. When Babuji Naik, who has lost fifty lakh rupees, heard that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale had been sent to the Carnatic instead of himself, he set fire to his tents and goods, and has been lying at Shahu Raja’s gate for the last 20 days in the garb of an ascetic, with his wife and another person, threatening to poison himself. Chanda Saheb has taken leave, saying that he will return when he has recovered Tiruchirappalli.”

To obtain some compensation, Babuji Naik had, on one occasion, actually consumed poison to put the blame of ‘Brahma-Hatya’ (death of a Brahmin) on Maharaj. It was an extreme form of Dharna to press Shahu for retiring his debts. Shahu’s biographer says, “When Maharaj learnt of this he said, ‘Babuji did this after I said I will take care of his debts. Give him milk.’ The king then gave him milk and the effect of the Somal (poison) was overcome.”

There is another reference from the month of June 1748, “Babuji Naik (and probably the family members) had consumed poison. Out of all, Aabaji and his senior wife recovered. But Babuji Naik is not recovering. Situation seems difficult.”

To be continued…

BABUJI NAIK MEETS NIZAM

The situation at Shahu’s court was as mentioned before. The Angre brothers had been engaging in whatever they wished like in the Konkan. Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II and Queen Jijabai II had taken help from Murarrao Ghorpade, and had readied themselves up to pounce upon Satara. Murarrao was desirous of acquiring the office of the Senapati with Shahu. Raghuji Bhosale was also extremely shrewd. If the situation arose, he was desirous of acquiring the office of the Chhatrapati for his son. Shinde and Holkar had brought over them a new risky proposition by intervening in the Rajput war in the north. Nizam-ul-Mulk and his sons had been keeping busy in the enterprise to keep an eye out for the Maratha side to fall weak, and when they could take advantage of the same. Shahu himself had to lie down in his bed, and hearing all the news report from various places, would get frightened to the core. The worry that the Peshwa should not move away from him even for an hour, if he went away, he would not survive, would not allow him to stay calm.

So many people had begun requesting Shahu about the Carnatic, that he fell into complete consternation in resolving their disputes. The Peshwa began a project through his secret plan to flatly deny anybody else any benefit from the Carnatic. Since both the queens insisted for their own candidates, the affair became further complicated. Babuji Naik had not given up his quest for a foothold in the Carnatic, went on a protest fast, and generated sympathy for himself in Shahu’s heart. Since all of them complained against the Peshwa, Shahu too opposed him.

Towards the end of 1745, Babuji Naik embarked on the second campaign to the Carnatic with Maharaj’s permission. From December 1745 onwards, the Nizam began getting news about the progress of this army. He sent some of his lieutenants to face the challenge, and the early months of 1746 were spent in this manner. To arrest Naik’s advance, the Nizam dispatched his forces towards the Carnatic under his son Naseer Jung. By the end of February 1746, Babuji began seeking help to face the Nizam’s armies marching against him. Naik established friendship with the Pratinidhi and secured his help. The Peshwa’s assistants Nago Ram stayed at Aurangabad, Raghunath Ganesh stayed with the Nizam’s army campaign, and kept trying to foil Naik’s activities. After the onset of the monsoon, a meeting was arranged between Babuji and the Nizam. Naik met the Nizam and demanded the control over Arcot, which had not been handed over before.

In the month of April 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “We and the whole army remained at home in the current year. Constantly faced the creditors. If we thought of taking out a fresh loan, nobody had the money. So, collect the annual revenues and quickly dispatch some money. You are already aware of the overall status of things here. About reports at court, it is only the first day today. Sambhajiraje has got stuck on the issue of Babuji Naik. So, Rajashree Swami ordered us to stand guarantor. We have accepted it. Sambhajiraje was given leave to depart on 20 August 1746. He was given two elephants, five horses, one sword, and four protocol garments. He will march-off in one or two days.”

A Marathi letter of July 1746 from Nago Ram to the Peshwa’s cousin Sadashivrao Bhau shows the state Babuji was in at that time, “Babuji and Aabaji (his brother) met the Nizam and said that they had not received the Chauth of Arcot and asked for at least a lakh of rupees. They also asked the Nizam to grant a Jagir and they will render service in lieu of it.  They also asked for the income from the Carnatic for the following year, in advance.

“Then the Nawab replied that the Arcot amount will be paid there itself. He said that he will give orders for other payments, however, they too will be paid at those places. And how could he pay the amount due for next year from the Carnatic? The Nizam told them to go to Satara and obtain entitlements, then he will do the needful. ‘You have many enemies at Satara’, he told them. in this manner, he spoke sweet words. Babuji was extremely disappointed. On return to his camp he thought he will severely remonstrate and obtain something from the Nizam. He thought he will perform same kind of Dharna he performed at Pune and Satara. Then, a few counselled him saying, you will only make a spectacle of yourself. He is extremely stressed due to lack of funds. He is unable to get any loans. He sold some utensils to raise money. He is giving bonds to his debtors on the income of Arcot. The income is just over three lakhs, but he has already issued bonds of over six. In this manner, he spends his days.”

On the way back, Babuji looted some Parganas of Chhatrapati Sambhaji II of Kolhapur, and this was the reason in 1746 that Sambhajiraje had come to Satara seeking compensation. The Peshwa, who was in Satara, was asked to resolve Sambhaji II’s complaint against Babuji. Sambhaji II stayed at Satara for five to six months. In that period, Sambhaji II came to know about the discussions taking place there with respect to the future setup, and the investigations for an heir in Ramraja. In this relation, since the secret agreement between Sambhaji II and the Peshwa had still held, due to which Sambhaji II and Jijabai were carefree. In many of the letters they wrote to the Peshwa in the next ten years, they seem to have reminded him of this same agreement. Queen Sakwarbai already favoured Sambhaji II. At that time nobody much anticipated that Tarabai would prop-up Ramraja in a completely unexpected move. But in due course of time, due to this introduction of Ramraja the other claimants fell behind. At the time of Shahu’s death too, while Sakwarbai was committing Sati, she instructed everyone passionately to install Sambhaji II on the throne, and not bring about a completely foolhardy appointment.

To be continued…