CHRONOLOGY – CHHATRAPATI SHAHU MAHARAJ

It would be beneficial if a chronology of the events up to Shahu’s death is provided at this stage.

Date	Events
12 December 1721	Nanasaheb’s birth.
11 January 1730	Nanasaheb’s marriage with Gopikabai.
4 February 1740	Raghunathrao’s Upanayan ritual at Pune.
7 February 1740	Sadashivrao Bhau’s marriage with Parvatibai.
10 April 1740	Aliwardi Khan usurps power in Bengal from Nawab Sarfaraz Khan.
28 April 1740	Senior Bajirao dies.
20 May 1740	Battle of Damalcheri in the Carnatic.
26 May 1740	Nanasaheb departs from Colaba for Pune.
2 June 1740	Sambhaji II arrives at Jejuri.
3 June 1740	Kashibai’s arrival at Pune from the Narmada.
5 June 1740	Nanasaheb departs for Satara.
25 June 1740	Nanasaheb given the protocol robes of the office of the Peshwa.
16 November 1740	Nawab Safdar Ali enters into a secret agreement with the Marathas.
23 November 1740	Nanasaheb leaves for his first northern campaign to Sironj-Bhilsa.
17 December 1740	Chimaji Appa’s death.
24 December 1740	Birubai’s death at Satara.
25 December 1740	Marathas attack the Dutch at Porto Novo in the Carnatic.
December 1740	Tansheth Bhurke given the authority of the royal mint by Shahu.
5 January 1741	Shinde and Holkar capture the Dhar outpost.
7 January 1741	Nizam and Peshwa meet at Edlabad (Muktainagar).
16 January 1741	Tanjore’s Pratapsingh and Raghuji enter into a treaty.
3 March 1741	Nizam arrives at Puntamba to quell Naseer Jung’s revolt.
7 March 1741	Peshwa crosses the Narmada for the northern campaign.
21 March 1741	Battle of Manaparai, Bada Saheb killed.
26 March 1741	Raghuji captures Tiruchirappalli and hands over the control to Murarrao Ghorpade. Chanda Saheb and his eldest son is dispatched to Satara.
13-19 May 1741	Peshwa and Jaisingh meet at Dhaulpur.
27 June 1741	Raghuji felicitated at Satara for a successful Carnatic campaign.
June 1741	Chanda Saheb imprisoned at Satara.
7 July 1741	Nanasaheb returns from Sironj-Bhilsa campaign.
23 July 1741	Naseer Jung defeated at Aurangabad and imprisoned.
7 September 1741	Mughal Badshah issues Malwa grant-notification in favour of Marathas.
18 December 1741	Nanasaheb Peshwa embarks on Prayag-Bengal campaign in the north.
December 1741	Bhaskarram on campaign in Bengal.
11 January 1742	Sarkhel Sambhaji Angre dies.
12 January 1742	Gopikabai returns from Khandesh.
13 January 1742	Dupleix arrives in India.
February 1742	Peshwa cantoned at Chanda. Trimbak Vishwanath riots in Berar.
March 1742	Peshwa captures Gadhamandala.
15 April 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds Aliwardi Khan at Burdwan.
20 April 1742	Manaji Angre comes to Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj.
April 1742	Shinde and Holkar attack Abhay Singh.
April 1742	Bapuji and Damaji attack Malwa.
4 May 1742	Raghuji complains about Peshwa’s incursions into his territories to Shahu.
6 May 1742	Mir Habib attacks Murshidabad with the Marathas.
28 May 1742	Kashibai returns from Rameshwar pilgrimage and embarks on the Kashi pilgrimage.
May-September 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds West Bengal.
29 June 1742	Peshwa encamped at Orchha.
July 1742	Yashwantrao Pawar installed at Dhar.
22 July 1742	Vishwasrao is born.
27 September 1742	Aliwardi raids Bhaskarram at Khatwa.
30 September 1742	Raghuji starts from Nagpur for Bhaskarram’s help.
5 October 1742	Murtuza Ali murders Safdar Ali and assumes the office of Nawab.
November 1742	Jyotiba Shinde and other Maratha Sardars killed in Orchha’s Veersingh’s rebellion.
8 November 1742	Peshwa marches off from Bundelkhand to Bengal.
December 1742	Naro Shankar avenges Orchha massacre. Jhansi established.
January-February 1743	Peshwa completes pilgrimage at Prayag-Kashi-Gaya. Tulaji Angre appointed as Sarkhel.
6 January 1743	Jiwaji Khanderao Chitnis dies.
1 February 1743	Nanasaheb at Prayag.
9 February 1743	Aliwardi Khan returns to Murshidabad after triumphant campaign against Bhosales.
10 March 1743	East India Company ship Winchester leaves from England towards India.
31 March 1743	Peshwa meets Aliwardi Khan.
March 1743	Nizam-ul-Mulk arrives at Arcot.
10 April 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji Bhosale clash at the Bend Pass.
4 May 1743	Raghuji clashes with Aliwardi Khan’s forces.
13 May-20 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu’s health concerns.
19 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu issues grant notification in Babuji Naik’s name.
30 July 1743	Peshwa returns from Prayag-Bengal campaign.
August 1743	Peshwa and Queen Sagunabai reconcile.
August 1743	British and French felicitate the Nizam.
29 August 1743	Murarrao hands over Tiruchirappalli to the Nizam.
31 August 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji meet at Satara and reconcile.
23 September 1743	Sawai Jaisingh dies. Succession dispute arises.
January 1744	Bhaskarram departs for Bengal.
16 January 1744	Peshwa enters into an instalment payment agreement with the Chhatrapati.
1 February 1744	Mahadevbhat Hingne murdered at Delhi.
30 March 1744	Bhaskarram and his 21 colleagues murdered brutally in Mankara camp.
31 May 1744	East India Company’s ship Winchester reaches Madras.
20 November 1744	Peshwa embarks on the Bhilsa campaign.
December 1744	Babuji Naik invades the Carnatic.
23 January 1745	Tulaji Angre captures Govalkot and Anjanvel.
February 1745	Raghuji embarks on the campaign to Bengal.
February 1745	Ishwari Singh defeats Madho Singh.
2 March 1745	Bhopal principal enters into an agreement to pay tribute to the Marathas.
11 March 1745	Ranoji captures Bhilsa station of the Bhopal’s principal.
16 May 1745	Cuttack fort and Odisha province captured.
20 June 1745	Mustafa Khan killed in Battle of Jagdishpur.
1 July 1745	Zakaria Khan, Subedar of Punjab dies.
3 July 1745	Ranoji Shinde dies.
1 August 1745	Peshwa returns from Bhilsa campaign.
21 December 1745	Raghuji defeated at Murshidabad and returns.
16 February 1746	Kashibai leaves Pune on another Kashi pilgrimage.
5 May 1746	Shinde and Holkar capture Jaitpur.
20 August 1746	Sambhaji II leaves for Kolhapur from Satara.
21 September 1746	The French temporarily occupy the city of Madras.
4 October 1746	Madho Singh, Jagat Singh and Umed Singh meet at Nathdwara.
28 October 1746	Peshwa enters into an agreement to install Arjun Singh in Bundelkhand.
31 October 1746	Additional French help marches-off from Pondicherry to help Madras garrison.
25 November 1746	Shripatrao Pratinidhi dies.
17 December 1746	Jagjivanram alias Dadoba Pratinidhi appointed on office. Yamaji Shivdeo appointed Mutalik.
25 December 1746	Amir Khan’s murder.
January 1747	Janoji embarks on campaign to Bengal.
January 1747	Raghuji meets the Nizam and Shahu.
January 1747	Jayappa and Ramchandrababa reconcile.
January 1747	Peshwa sends a warning letter to Chhatrapati Shahu.
January 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau wins his first battle at Ajra near Kolhapur.
January-March 1747	Nanasaheb deposed from the office of the Peshwa.
27 January 1747	Vitthal Shivdeo captures Antri.
9 February 1747	Jaipur’s Dewan Aayamal dies. Son Keshavdas appointed the Pradhan.
23 February 1747	Kashibai performs Shraadh ritual at Gaya.
1 March 1747	Battle of Rajmahal. Madho Singh defeated.
7 March 1747	Madho Singh sues for peace, temporary truce.
30 March 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau meets Murarrao Ghorpade on his Carnatic campaign.
7 March 1747	Peshwa meets Maharaj and submits offerings.
March 1747	Kashibai returns from the northern pilgrimage.
13 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu confers upon Nanasaheb the protocol robes and elephant and restores him to the office of the Peshwa.
15 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu visits the Peshwa’s camp and meets him.
1 May 1747	Raghuji arrives at Satara, Sagunabai presents him protocol garments.
3 May 1747	Shahu felicitates Tulaji Angre at Satara.
9 May 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau returns from the Carnatic campaign and meets the Peshwa at Jejuri.
24 May 1747	Nanasaheb arrives at Pune.
29 May 1747	Peshwa captures Manikgad fort belonging to Manaji Angre.
7 June 1747	Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Babuji Naik’s brother Aabaji Naik’s wife) dies.
19 June 1747	Nadir Shah’s murder, rise of Ahmedshah Abdali.
July 1747	Sheti Mallick secretly inquires about Nanasaheb’s behaviour.
25 October 1747	Naro Appaji appointed over Pune’s administration.
7-10 December 1747	Peshwa on Newai campaign.
10 December 1747	Tulaji captures the Mudagad fort belonging to the Peshwas.
25 December 1747	Yahya Khan, Punjab’s Subedar Zakaria Khan’s son escapes from Lahore.
1747	Najeeb Khan (Rohilla) arrives in Hindustan and starts serving Ali Ahmed.
1747	Construction of Parvati temple begins.
1748	Sabaji invades Bengal.
8 January 1748	Abdali on the outskirts of Lahore.
15 January 1748	Peshwa captures the Rajkot fortress at Chaul.
12 January 1748	Abdali captures Lahore.
February-March 1748	Pratinidhi etc. clash with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad.
10 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Panipat on its way to attack Abdali.
26 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Sirhind on its way to attack Abdali.
February 1748	Peshwa meets the Badshah at Delhi.
19 March 1748	Tulaji Angre meets Chhatrapati Shahu at Satara.
21 March 1748	Battle of Manupur begins, Abdali defeated by Ahmedshah and Safdarjung.
1 April 1748	Naro Rayaji Thakur defeats Tulaji Angre at Mudagad and captures the fort.
11 April 1748	Abdali halts at the River Indus on his retreat.
25 April 1748	Badshah Mohammedshah (Rangeela) dies.
28 April 1748	News of Badshah’s death reaches Ahmedshah at Panipat.
30 April 1748	Madho Singh meets Peshwa at Newai.
April 1748	Mir Mannu and Abdali defeated at Lahore.
12 May 1748	Abdali reaches back at Kandahar.
21 May 1748	Nizam-ul-Mulk Asafjah dies.
June 1748	Muzaffar Jung and Chanda Saheb meet at Satara. Chanda Saheb released from imprisonment.
9 July 1748	Peshwa returns from Newai campaign.
24 July 1748	Peshwa returns Manikgad to Manaji Angre.
10 August 1748	Holkar defeats Ishwari Singh at Wagru.
25 August 1748	Queen Sagunabai dies while at Jejuri.
30 November 1748	Vazir Safdarjung survives an assassination attempt at Delhi.
10 February 1749	Nanasaheb and Raghunathrao visit Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu.
9 March 1749	Vishwasrao’s Upanayan ceremony at Pune.
March 1749	Naseer Jung embarks on campaign to the north.
4 May 1749	Naseer Jung returns from the campaign to Delhi from the Narmada’s banks.
19 June 1749	Marwad’s ruler Abhay Singh dies.
3 August 1749	Battle of Amboor, Anwaruddin dies, Ali Ahmed Rohilla dies.
21 August 1749	Peshwa goes to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar and the army.
1 October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj issues his own handwritten document about the future administrative system of the kingdom.
13 October 1749	Tulaji Angre carries off British ship Restoration.
October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu invites Raghuji (to assume throne), but he declines.
22 November 1749	Qaim Khan Bangash dies, son Ahmed Khan assumes his throne.
15 December 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu dies at Shahunagar – Satara. Dadoba and Yamaji arrested.
30 December 1749	Sadashivrao Bhau departs Pune for Satara.
December 1749	Safdarjung captures Ballamgad belonging to the Jats.

To be continued…

IN A FLUX

The failure of Babuji Naik was not just due to his own faults. He had detractors from within the Maratha fold, including the Peshwa himself. Not only did the Peshwa prove to be sufficient for Babuji Naik and Sambhaji II, but he also rendered powerful men like Raghuji Bhosale and Murarrao Ghorpade completely harmless. The Peshwa’s trusted lieutenants were working on this task sitting at their courts continuously. Whether it was Raghuji or Murarrao, both realised the situation correctly, did not allow anybody outside to fathom their hearts, and kept behaving as the events unfolded. Since they completely recognised the Peshwa’s strength, they never took it upon themselves to oppose him.

Nanasaheb returned to Satara in August 1748. By then, two stalwarts on the Indian scene had departed from the scene. Mohammedshah died before the victorious army from Manupur could return to Delhi. His son Ahmedshah was declared the new Badshah, with Mansoor Ali Khan Safdarjung appointed as the new Vazir. The Nizam-ul-Mulk died on 21 May 1748 at Burhanpur. He had, in twenty-four turbulent years in the Deccan, managed to survive and control the narrative of the politics in the peninsula. Despite the strength of the Marathas and their victories over him, he had astutely avoided being removed from his perch. The crisis during Nadir Shah’s invasion had placed him in real danger. However, with his cleverness and patience, he had extricated himself from the most difficult situations. His death, however, threw up yet another succession dispute after Jaipur.

On his way back from the north, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung, perhaps in July or August 1748. A letter from the Nizam’s court to Sadashivrao Bhau dated October 1748 gives more details, “The Nizam has met Rajashree Pradhanpant. The Nawab has given four lakh rupees to him for expenses. Treasure laden on thirty camels came to the Pradhanpant.”

After Nizam-ul-Mulk died, in the month of October 1748, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung and established friendly relations with him. The death of rulers of Jaipur and Hyderabad unleashed a race for succession due to a surfeit of claimants. In the case of the Marathas, Shahu not having a legitimate son, and getting on in years, had not found an answer to the vexed question of succession. His queens, and the dowager queen Tarabai – now nearing seventy and living at Satara – and a host of Maratha Sardars and intriguing ministers began to influence the succession. The struggle involved a concern for the royal lineage, the house of Kolhapur, the caste-divide of the Brahmins, Marathas and other castes, and to top it all, a descendant of the royal house of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj brought up in obscurity. Eventually, this was to occupy two full years of Nanasaheb’s reign when huge political changes were sweeping over the rest of the country.

On hearing the death of Mohammedshah and the Nizam, Dupleix felt the Marathas would grow stronger. He said to Ananda Ranga Pillai, “There will be war and the Marathas will grow still stronger. Since the Nawab of Bengal died, the Marathas have seized his brother and are ruling the whole of Bengal. They will do the same here. These things are pre-ordained; the Badshah at Delhi has died and many have perished for no reason at all and there is confusion. We shall see the same things in these parts next.”

Ananda Ranga replied, “Is so much evil awaiting us?”

The coming years would answer Ananda Ranga Pillai’s question.

The Peshwa had consolidated his plans outside by excellently maintaining all his external relations. Bhausaheb had established a permanent bond of friendship with Murarrao in the Carnatic campaign. The Pratinidhi, Sawants etc. fought with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad. In it, Sambhaji II insisted with Murarrao to help Tulaji. But he did not play any role in that affair. Overall, each and every influential person stayed glued to their spot towards Shahu’s end of days.

The discerning people all over the kingdom were watching what plan Shahu decided. A general feeling spread everywhere, that nobody could control the kingdom like the Peshwa, and it was appropriate to seek his refuge. It was clearly evident that Sadashivrao Bhau went to the Carnatic and blew Babuji Naik away. This event portrayed Sadashivrao Bhau’s character in sharp relief, even more aggressive than Nanasaheb.

To be continued…

MASSACRE AT JAIPUR

No sooner had Malharrao Holkar and Jayappa Shinde placed Madho Singh on the throne of Jaipur, than he began plotting against the two Sardars. Madho Singh devised a nefarious scheme to try and end the Maratha threat as well as his own indebtedness. The Maharaja first invited all the Shinde and Holkar Sardars to partake in a meal that was poisoned. Jayappa declined the invitation and the plan fell through. The two Maratha Sardars fortunately escaped being poisoned, as they did not attend the grand dinner by the new Raja. Then the Shinde soldiers were offered a sale at the city market, where items were quoted at a quarter of their value. The city of Jaipur, newly built by Sawai Jaisingh, was one of the most beautiful cities of the time. Nearly five thousand Maratha soldiers visited the city, roamed the Bazaars and behaved like soldiers do. As Maratha troops went around the walled city, Madho Singh shut the gates and ordered the Jaipur army to attack them. Three thousand Maratha soldiers were cut down. This treacherous act against an ally made Madho Singh a permanent enemy of Holkar. The relations between Madho Singh and the Maratha power were now vitiated beyond repair. Madho Singh forevermore opposed the Marathas and tried his utmost to roll back the juggernaut of their expanding influence. The state of Jaipur that once had good relations with Bajirao Peshwa, thus became a very unfriendly place for the Marathas.

The story in the Marathi letter continues after Ishwari Singh’s last rites, “After the agreement for tribute was committed to, the security guards were removed. Madho Singh arrived on the fifteenth day. Subedar went forth and met him. Both of them sat on one elephant and came to the royal palace. On the eighth day Jayaji Shinde too arrived. He went about the task of tribute collection. At that time, fifteen-thousand of Madho Singh’s army had also arrived. Seeing his own strength, the new Raja’s head turned. He hatched a plan to invite Subedar and Jayaji Shinde for a feast, and feed them poisoned food. Subedar agreed for the feast, but Jayappa refused. The king had bought two maunds of white arsenic. Only God saved our Sardars. The next day, he planned to invite Gangadharpant and some stewards and murder them. Jayappa and five thousand of his men went on a patrol in the city. On the ninth day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Pausha, Thursday, 10 January 1751, the king ordered, that Marathas have come, massacre them. The preparations and advance notices had already been given. The city gates were closed. Three thousand Marathas were simply slaughtered from the second quartile of the day (afternoon) up to the first quartile of the night. One thousand were wounded. Twenty-five renowned Sardars serving Jayappa, hundred Brahmins, camp followers, Pindaris, children all were put to sword. Many of them ran and jumped the fortress ramparts, but broke their backs and legs. One thousand true-bred horses were lost. The Marathas also lost their golden kadas, pearl ornaments, clothes everything. After this happened on Thursday, the remaining people ran away to a distance of three kos and stayed there. Later, the Raja’s emissaries Kaniram, Ganeshmal, and Mahadevbhat’s representative Govind Timaji came and began discussing about peace. But the Rajputs had treachery in their heart, and would not surrender straight. This guy (Holkar?) got hopeful. Mansoor Ali’s emissary has arrived for discussion, whom he will meet. God had granted a huge success to Subedar. But it turned into a failure. That is why he has become miserable.” This letter, dated 22 January 1751, written from Holkar’s camp to Govindpant Bundele is very important.

Govindpant Bundele wrote to the Peshwa on 15 March 1751, “Madho Singh became king. He has proved untrustworthy and with an evil mind. He did not think who has placed him on the throne. He has been disloyal to his benefactors.”

However, it was not just the Rajput-Maratha relations that were vitiated by Madho Singh’s massacre of thousands of Marathas in the walled city; the disagreement over the treaty with Jaipur led to further straining of relations between Shinde and Holkar.

However, before any action against him could be taken, emissaries of Vazir Safdarjung approached the Maratha Sardars for help. An urgent and new enterprise opened up before them at Delhi. Imperial Vazir Safdarjung was at war with the Rohillas who had usurped the Badshah’s lands. Safdarjung decided to seek Maratha help and now with his agents requesting urgent help, the chastisement of Madho Singh was left for another day.

Later, the Sardars went from Jaipur to the Antarved (Doab). They displayed their prowess by helping Safdarjung. That they did not display any hurt about the massacre at Jaipur was apt for their soldierly behaviour. However, this affair displays the way the animosity between the Rajputs and the Marathas went on increasing.

To be continued…

ISHWARI SINGH’S SUICIDE

When the Peshwa was dealing with these domestic disputes in the Deccan, he did not have the assistance of Shinde and Holkar. The political scene in the north was changing rapidly and as the Delhi throne weakened, opportunities appeared for the spread of Maratha influence beyond the Chambal.

Meanwhile, Ishwari Singh’s health deteriorated due to excessive anger and hatred. Raja Malji’s son Keshavdas was his Pradhan. The other minister Hargovind planted poisonous whispers about Keshavdas in Ishwari Singh’s ears. Ishwari Singh started suspecting him of being close to Malharrao Holkar. In December 1748, Ishwari Singh ordered his Dewan Keshavdas’ death by poison. He also imprisoned one of the artillery operators Shivnath Bhaiya along with his family members. A huge uproar arose outside due to this. There was no wise person left at Jaipur who would keep such things in check.

The year 1749 went in relative peace in the north. Shinde and Holkar were in the Deccan, while Safdarjung was trying to stabilise his position at Delhi with the Badshah. Since they had not received the tribute amounts previously agreed from Ishwari Singh, the Maratha emissaries were following-up with him. The happenings at Jaipur the previous year angered the Peshwa as well as Holkar whose help was sought by Keshavdas’ family. Holkar came upon Jaipur to avenge a wrong. At that time, Ishwari Singh tried to convince Malharrao by paying him two to four lakh rupees. He attacked Jaipur at the end of November 1749. The Peshwa also planned to dispatch Shinde and Holkar to the north in the monsoon of 1750 to collect the dues owed by Jaipur.

Seeing this mockery of a bribe offered by Ishwari Singh, “Subedar (Malharrao Holkar) became upset. He stated that he would avenge Keshavdas’ murder. Raja’s stewards told him that they won’t go and meet Holkar. He would kill them. Raja remained inactive. Evening fell. A report arrived that Subedar had reached at a distance of ten kos. He ordered his assistants to bring a black cobra and white arsenic. They provided the items. Two quartiles in the night the king consumed poison. He also got himself bitten by the cobra. In the hours of dawn Ishwari Singh died. Three of his wives and one artist consumed poison. Holkar attacked Jaipur on the twelfth day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Margashirsh, Friday, first quartile of the day. At that time, the stewards ran to inform the king, checking whether he was still asleep! The king’s assistants relayed the whole news. A huge wail arose in the city. Hargovind and Vidyadhar went and met Subedar. Subedar sent a few of his Sardars and got the king’s last rites performed. The above four and twenty more artists committed Sati. The next day, security guards were posted around the royal palace, and cavalrymen were dispatched to bring Madho Singh.”

Madho Singh was called and ceremonially installed as the new ruler. He achieved his ambition of being undisputed king of Jaipur in December 1750, on the strength of Holkar’s arms. Madho Singh also realised he would have to pay a heavy price for his kingdom. Many parts of the Jaipur state were mortgaged to Holkar for a period of the next thirty-six years to realise the amount and some money was paid in kind. Jayappa Shinde, who had been instructed by Nanasaheb to give Holkar a free hand, also reached Jaipur just eight days after Madho Singh, and realised he had obtained nothing from the Jaipur succession. The dispute now spread to divide the money realised from Jaipur between the two Sardars. Shinde opposed the entire agreement, which was made without consulting him and demanded that Madho Singh hand over a third of Jaipur to the Marathas.

It was time for Madho Singh to live up to the promises he had made to Holkar. However, he did not intend to do so.

To be continued…

BATTLES WITH ISHWARI SINGH

Ishwari Singh had been backed by the Marathas in the past and he had been promised their support. Now, Madho Singh offered Holkar a large sum for his support and he tried to convince the Peshwa to switch sides from Ishwari Singh. The Peshwa tried to dissuade Holkar, however, he was obstinate on this point. In the past, Holkar had found Jayappa Shinde earning more when dealing with the succession in the state of Bundi, and now he wished to earn from Madho Singh. The Peshwa was unable to take a stand. On the one hand, he asked Jayappa to desist from entering the fray at Jaipur, on the other hand, he needed money to pay Maharaj’s debts. To resolve these matters, he finally decided to personally head for Jaipur and try and patch up matters.

Seeing that the Peshwa had begun to rescind on his word through greed, Ishwari Singh was beside himself with anger. He sent a harsh response to the Peshwa, “Your friendly relation with us has been extraordinarily there for generations together. Through what did the desires of Late Maharaj Sawai Jaisingh and Late Rau Bajirao come to fruition? What all help did Maharaj do for Shrimant? It is not as if Balajirao (Nanasaheb) does not know this. We have never wavered from the words agreed with you. But this is a question of inheritance. It is a dispute related to land. Whatever we owed to the Sardars in lieu of their service has been already given to them. Apart from this, how would everything turn favourable unless we fight for it! How would I accept the status of a bad son by giving a part of the kingdom to my younger brother! Giving anything beyond what was initially decided is impossible. The kingdom is given by God. Whoever He wants to give He would bless him with it. But He has shown us the result of change of headgear.”

In another letter appears a reference, “Now I have proven myself after battle. It is not like Ishwari Singh fears the Rana, Rathods, and Hadas.”

But Holkar remained adamant. On 6 December 1747, he wrote, “We have sent Ranaji’s two servants Kishor Pancholi and Jaisingh Sakhtavat from Pimple to meet with the Shrimant. Madho Singh’s messenger Kaniram has come, who will relate to you everything in detail. Consider what they feel, and then request you to do as you wish. We will act according to the Shrimant’s orders.”

These complications escalated so much, that the Peshwa himself had to go to the north towards the end of 1747. Madho Singh met him. Huge Maratha forces gathered near Jaipur. The Peshwa tried to threaten both the sides, and in a way tried to reason with them.

When Abdali had attacked Punjab, and Ishwari Singh had gone there to help the Badshah, he had to run away from the battlefield to save his life. Due to this, he faced a lot of ignominy for shirking his responsibility. Hereafter, his fortune turned for the worse and he grew extremely dejected. He was extremely angry that the Maratha Sardars and the Peshwa too kept breaking their promises and agreements in the hope of earning money. Ishwari Singh was brave and proud, but since he did not have the inherent qualities of discretion and policy awareness which are absolutely necessary in practice, he became doleful. To top it, the Delhi court was itself going through a period of unstability, with the invasion of Abdali and the Pathans, Vazir Safdarjung’s inability to deal with that menace, the Badshah’s death, installation of his son as the new Badshah, and Shahu’s moody behaviour in his old age due to which the uncertainty that prevailed in the Deccan. If one considers all these events taking place together, one can imagine how terrifying and calamitous this period of the middle of the eighteenth century had become. In such difficult situations, the real test of the executive of the kingdom takes place. From this perspective the overall result was that the Peshwa’s policy was mistaken, and the Marathas had to forfeit the friendship of the Rajputs because of pure greed.

Ishwari Singh was behaving arrogantly. The task of subduing him was accepted by Holkar. “Ishwari Singh feigned supplication, delayed for two months, gathered all his forces, and thought about giving us battle. Seeing his plans, we gave forces with Rajashree Gangadharpant Chandrachud and dispatched him to Jaipur from the Fagai halt. On the second day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Ashadh, the forces burned down the villages around the city, travelled back two kos from the city and camped for the night. Raja Ishwari Singh attacked the camp. The battle went on for four hours. On our side <name not clear> laid down his life. His side too lost around hundred to hundred-and-fifty good warriors. Two to three hundred were wounded. We forced them to retreat back to a place beside Jaipur. Again, Raja Ishwari Singh himself stepped out along with the whole force. We too braced up. The battle lasted for hours. Seeing their impending defeat, he sent Rajashree Keshavdas to us suing for peace. He agreed that he would relinquish Bundi and completely vacate Madho Singh’s four parganas for the handover.” This war lasted for a month to one-and-a-half months at a location named Bagru 25 miles east of Sambhar.

To be continued…

KASHIBAI’S WISH

Overall, Kashibai was on her first pilgrimage for five long years. For the second one, she left Pune on 16 February 1746 with her brother Krishnarao Chaskar Joshi. She took the route of Kaigaon-Toke, Verul, Burhanpur, Sironj and Kalpee, where she entered the Doab and reached Prayag. A large group of ten thousand pilgrims accompanied her, and a passport for them was obtained from the Badshah in Delhi. From Kalpee onwards, she was escorted by Naro Shankar who was in charge of Jhansi. From Prayag, she visited Kashi, returned to Prayag and went back to Kashi. This gentleman, Krishnarao was extremely disingenuous and would keep engaging in unnecessary affairs. Due to that, there were many obstacles that arose in the pilgrimage.

In Kashi, Raja Balwant Singh gave Kashibai a place to stay in his own palace. At this time, of the large number of horses and camels with her, five horses were stolen. The lady’s aides blamed Balwant Singh. The Raja then managed to get two of the horses back, but hearing of the accusations against him, was annoyed. The Awadh Nawab Safdarjung was the Subedar of the province and Balwant Singh complained to him and asked him to get Kashibai to leave. However, it was the middle of the monsoon and travel was not yet possible.

Hingne wrote to the Peshwa, “Balwant Singh has written from Varanasi, that revered mother has enjoined Dasharam Zamindar along with her convoy, and wrote to him, asking him to give Dasharam half the kingdom, otherwise there would be military attack. The Badshah had informed Balwant Singh, to consider her his own mother, and help her in every way he could. Even if her men kill off four of his soldiers, he should not utter a single word. Upon request the convoy made a stop at Balwant Singh’s house. After that, a news came to Safdarjung, that Krishnarao threw away the documents in Ganga’s stream, and spoke the way he wished openly. Whatever we got report about, we have written at your service.”

Despite Balwant Singh’s resistance, Kashibai continued to sojourn at Gaya and Kashi that whole year. Innumerable letters from the Peshwa and other officials reached Kashi asking her to leave the place. However, Kashibai refused. Seeing her determination, eventually her brother Chaskar Joshi threatened he would drown himself in the Ganga if she did not agree to leave the place. Finally, Kashibai left for Prayag in the Indian month of Magha (around February 1747). The total journey occupied nearly fifteen months.

Another letter by Hingne from 23 February 1747 mentions, “Revered mother carried out the Shraadh ritual at Gaya, and came to Shri-Prayag. She completed the Makar-Snan (ritual bath during the Makar Sankraman, or winter solstice) ritual at Prayag. She will celebrate Shimgi Pournima (Holi) and then return to homeland.” Hingne further informs in this letter, “At the court of Safdarjung a news was discussed, that the revered mother is upset with her son, due to which she wishes to stay back at Varanasi. The Nawab asked us to confirm this news. We submitted, that it is all a rumour. All these religious places are such that no Hindu desires to leave them willingly. There are many such incidents one could relate about various religious places of the Hindus.”

Due to all such affairs, Kashibai’s long Kashi pilgrimage turned out to be quite controversial. Purport similar to the above seems to have been written from Vishwanath-Nagari too, “The moment revered mother Tai came here, she was provided resting quarters at the imperial palace by Balwant Singh. Later, since her horses were stolen, Balwant Singh gave the responsibility of her protection to Mansoor Ali Khan, who used to oppress the residents of the town through his forces. Upon that, the Nawab wrote back asking her to be bade farewell towards Gaya.”

Later, in November 1747, “Revered mother Tai arrived at Gaya taking the usual stops.”

To be continued…

NEWAI CAMPAIGN

While a conducive situation was getting created for further expansion of the Peshwa’s enterprise of Hindupadpaadshahi in the north, Chhatrapati Shahu’s strength began depleting and the Peshwa’s heart grew concerned. Due to Sawai Jaisingh’s death, the Rajput kings were left without an elderly and strong leader. Even the Mughal Empire began losing its strength. Until he was alive, he had acted as a big check to the Marathas. In the leaderless state after him, Shinde and Holkar had become powerful in the north. They began getting approached for various political moves. A fratricidal struggle erupted between Jaisingh’s sons in relation to the Jaipur throne, and the Marathas were approached to take up the risky responsibility of resolving it. In 1746-47, the Maratha power in Bundelkhand was consolidated. Malwa already belonged to them. Only Rajputana remained. This was an opportunity that knocked all by itself to bring that too under their control.

The year 1747 saw the murder of Nadir Shah in his camp in Persia and the rise of Ahmedshah Abdali in Kandahar (Abdali is a tribe of Pashtuns in Afghanistan). Abdali’s first act was to march on Kabul, march into the Punjab, and obtain a tribute from Lahore. The situation, coming barely eight years after Nadir Shah’s sack of Delhi, saw the ailing Badshah Mohammedshah (suffering from a rectal ailment as referenced by a letter from Sadashivrao Bhau) send Shehzada Ahmedshah with Mansoor Ali Khan and Ishwari Singh to face the threat. The impending threat saw Mohammedshah also request the help of the Marathas, and in the month of December 1747, Shahu ordered the Peshwa to go and meet the Badshah at Delhi. In the battle fought from 3 March 1748 at Manupur near Sirhind, Vazir Kamruddin Khan was killed in the opening salvo of the battle hit by a cannon-ball. Abdali was defeated and went back. It was the bravery of Mansoor Ali Khan that helped push Abdali back. For his bravery, Mansoor Ali Khan was given the title of Safdarjung. However, Ishwari Singh fled the battlefield and lost his reputation as a warrior. The Badshah did not feel the need to take the Peshwa’s assistance. Badshah himself was able to drive Abdali away.

This campaign by the Peshwa is termed Newai Campaign. The Peshwa embarked on the campaign leaving Pune on 10 December 1747 and returned on 9 July 1748. Nanasaheb was probably dispatched hearing rumours about Pathan Abdali invading India, to go and help the Badshah, and ensure that any incident like the Nadir Shah’s campaign did not befall the Empire. There was a second reason to leave Satara at this time. Shahu’s debts had to be paid and the only way the Peshwa could bring in money was from a campaign. Shahu ordered the Peshwa in January 1748, wherein he had to arrange for paying a debt of twenty lakh rupees standing against the Maharaj’s name. The amount was to be paid in instalments of five lakh each in specified months over the next year.

After this, the Peshwa went to Delhi to meet the Badshah. The Peshwa first reached Delhi with his army. However, by then the battle of Manupur was over. He met Mohammedshah and affirmed that he would help him whenever needed. The news of this meeting pleased Shahu in his last days. “The Badshah accepted Shrimant’s service. He asked the Shrimant, whatever he desired, he should present the demands in writing. Upon that the Shrimant answered, he would submit them after the Hazrat achieves victory. Once the task for which he had arrived was accomplished, he would follow-up about his own objectives. Due to this, the Badshah became very happy. Maharaj heard the news report at Satara and praised the Peshwa profusely. He was satisfied. He said, (the Peshwa) had gone to Delhi upon his orders, had satisfied the Badshah, which was an excellent achievement.”

This shows that this meeting between the Peshwa and Badshah could have happened in the month of February (March 1748?).

Since the Peshwa had gone to meet the Badshah, the old Nizam got frightened. At the beginning of 1748, he spread a rumour that he would go to Surat and capture the Gujarat province.

The Peshwa returned from Delhi to Jaipur. Just after Abdali was repelled at Manupur, the Peshwa was required to personally deal with the succession at Jaipur which was pending a solution since the death of Sawai Jaisingh. Both the claimants had sent their representatives to Pune seeking Nanasaheb Peshwa’s help. “Sawai Jaisingh’s younger son Madho Singh was granted four Mahals from Ishwari Singh. An agreement was officiated to maintain friendly relations by respecting brotherhood. The agreement amounted to ten lakh rupees. Malharrao Holkar gave a written guarantee on 30 April 1748. The next day it was agreed that the Peshwa should be given three lakh rupees and Mahadaji Ambaji, twenty-five thousand rupees for officiating the agreement.”

To be continued…

RECONCILIATION

Raghuji understood completely, that the Peshwa was chief of the Maratha Sardars, if he opposed him, he would be left standing alone, would become helpless, it would become extremely difficult for him to secure anybody else’s support, and his enemies would benefit from this. He realised perfectly well, if he wanted to succeed in his project of invading Bengal, the external help his enemies were getting should be stopped. It was evident what kind of help Aliwardi Khan was going to get from the Badshah. After all, the Nawab was trying to take the benefit of the competition between him and the Peshwa to turn the tables on him. So, he decided to reconcile with the Peshwa and foil the Nawab’s plan.

Since Raghuji had decided to dump the animosity within his heart, and got ready to accept the predominance of the Peshwa, the main bone of contention vanished. Nanasaheb was also eager for a reconciliation. His nature was not adamant or abrasive like his father. Since he was young as well, he did not find it appropriate to excessively oppose these close relatives of the Chhatrapati. After arriving at Satara from the campaign, since both of them were ready to forget the mutual animosity, the reconciliation negotiations started through the mediators. Very soon a news spread to the effect that, “Raghuji and Shrimant had reconciled on the point of the authority of Sardeshmukhi of Patna. Therefore, the Nawab (Safdarjung) should write to Mahabat Jung i.e. Aliwardi Khan and bring about a treaty with Raghuji. Shrimant does not need Bengal. Whatever revenues are collected at Prayag, should be given over to the Peshwa.”

All the details of the campaign had already been conveyed to Satara. The moment the basic point was agreed upon by the Peshwa and Raghuji, no time was lost in bringing about the compromise. Eventually, Maharaj called both of them to Satara for a meeting, brought about the reconciliation between them, and clearly demarcated the areas of action for each of them. He decided that the Peshwa should not intervene in the regions from Berar up to Cuttack province, Bengal, Bihar, Lucknow etc. and the regions of Ajmer, Agra, Prayag, and Malwa along with the tract between Allahabad and Patna were identified as the area of action for the Peshwa (on 31 August 1743). The Peshwa agreed not to interfere in Bengal. As a consequence, his commitment to Aliwardi Khan that he would protect Bengal from Raghuji’s invasion fell through, and future invasions were accordingly executed by Raghuji. Raghuji secured the Peshwa’s approval for his invasion of Bengal, and in the next eight years, he carried out passionate struggle with Aliwardi Khan and finally succeeded in implementing his rights over Bengal. The dispute between the Peshwa and Raghuji which had lingered from Bajirao’s time was settled amicably, and from then on, the two cooperated with each other.

Chitnis wrote, “(Maharaj) brought about a friendship between the two, and ordered celebratory feasts. He got both of them to pledge at his feet about not holding any ‘ifs’ and ‘buts’ in their heart. Both of them partook in the government celebratory feasts. Both were granted the things confirming the agreement. Maharaj showered upon both the feasts, honours, and bade them farewell.”

Aliwardi Khan was expecting Bhaskarram’s invasions to end with the Peshwa’s help. This hope was belied. With Nanasaheb and Raghuji burying their hatchet and dividing up their zones of activity, Aliwardi was left to fend for himself. On Raghuji’s withdrawal, he reoccupied Cuttack and appointed a new deputy Governor there along with Durlabhram, the son of his own trusted aide Janakiram as the Dewan.

Around the Dussehra of 1743, after Shahu brought about a reconciliation between the Peshwa and Senasahebsuba, the Peshwa never paid any attention to the region of Bengal towards the east. All that responsibility was borne by Raghuji independently. The Marathas had not quite finished their business in Bengal. Raghuji’s demand for Chauth had not been accepted and after his agreement with the Peshwa, he was free to enter the province again. A new decade of war and murders in the east was about to begin and the Nawab was to have no peace. Raghuji immediately went back to Nagpur, and got the preparations completed for Bhaskarram to complete the unfinished business from yore. Pant had earned huge plunder from Bengal, and was eager to avenge the riot at Khatwa. The year 1744 began with Raghuji planning yet another campaign to Bengal. The Nawab on the other hand, felt the agreement with the Peshwa would secure the province from further invasions. For Aliwardi Khan just one battle had been won, the war was far from over. The Marathas had not given him a moment of peace since the day he usurped the office of the Subedar from Sarfaraz Khan. Raghuji and Bhaskarram had not given up their aim of subjugating Bengal. On his retreat, Raghuji had sent out ‘Bairagi’ troops to attack Raajmahal, Bhagalpur, and Baluchar. The guerrilla war left the Nawab running from place to place to put out small fires.

To be continued…

BADSHAH’S ORDERS

This way, the animosity between the Peshwa and Raghuji went on increasing and both of them kept on preparing for a later showdown. Both of them had their representatives at Shahu’s court as well as the Badshah’s court. One of the Maratha friends, Keshavrao, was at Delhi. He wrote to Raghuji on 11 August 1742, “Your news was related by Vyankaji Devrao. We felt odd that even while Maqsudabad etc. Tehsils belong to you, there was no news pertaining to that region. We heard about your recent friendly overtures with the sovereign. The news on our side would be conveyed through Vyankaji Devrao. What have you thought about future? Bhaskarram has encamped there. Do write about the news there regularly. We too are coming there on the occasion of Vijayadashmi (Dussehra, which fell on 25 September 1742 that year).”

Just two days earlier, Bhaskarram had been the victim of Aliwardi’s surprise attack on the Ashtami day of the festival and had to flee towards Panchet.

But, with a view to understand the Peshwa’s intentions before he himself proceeded to Bengal, Raghuji asked the Peshwa in a letter on 30 September 1742, “You have asked me where I am and what my plans are. Resolving the Undri (near Nagpur) affair on 11 September 1742, we are proceeding to the Devgad province. We intend to join Bhaskarram further. Do inform what you have planned for.”

What the Peshwa replied to this is unknown. But, when Raghuji was preparing to vanquish the Peshwa, he got the news that Bhaskarram was annihilated, and he quickly embarked on the journey to Bengal along with his army. Proceeding east, he captured Cuttack. Aliwardi sent out Mustafa Khan with a ten-thousand-strong army to oppose him. A letter dated 4 May 1743 gives the news, “Aliwardi sent an army with Mustafa Khan and he followed. Raghuji moved forward and met this army and destroyed it. Mustafa was captured. Then he fought with Aliwardi. That is the news.”

Meanwhile, Aliwardi Khan was not sitting quietly. Not only did he amass his own army, but he also sent a request for help to the Badshah. Before Raghuji could reach Bengal, Badshah Mohammedshah’s officials had arrived at Murshidabad to collect the annual tribute. Aliwardi related his miserable state to the Badshah through them. He appealed to them saying disturbed conditions in his Suba rendered him incapable of sending the tribute. He specifically warned the officials, that if he was not provided immediate help, they should count the Bengal province as permanently lost. The Badshah ordered the Awadh Subedar Mansoor Ali Khan – the future Safdarjung – to go to Bengal and help Aliwardi. Mansoor Ali accordingly set out at the head of a strong army consisting of forty thousand horse including a contingent of the Qizalbash cavalry. The size of the army sent an alarm through all of Bengal. The British at Fort William wrote to the Directors of the Company, “From Patna we learn that Suba was advancing that way with 40,000 horse, reported that he had a Firman for the Subedari of Bengal.”

Mansoor Ali arrived near Patna and commanded Aliwardi’s nephew Zainuddin to hand over the fort to his troops. He had similarly requisitioned the fort of Chunar on the Ganga for his family. The British reported, “his people commit outrages, are under no command, it is said he designs to give up the Nawab of Murshidabad’s servants’ houses at Patna to plunder.”

Mansoor Ali Khan began to look more like an enemy in the guise of a friend, and Aliwardi asked him not to enter Bengal.

Here, the Peshwa had arrived in the north and was demanding the Chauth of Malwa, Bundelkhand, Allahabad etc. provinces. He had begun negotiations with the Badshah that in lieu of the Chauth revenues, the Marathas would ensure that the Empire was not troubled. The Badshah instantly provided his approval, and entrusted the responsibility to protect Aliwardi Khan to the Peshwa. He also ordered Aliwardi Khan to pay some amount to the Peshwa through the income of Bengal province as the campaign expenses.

Mustafa Khan’s defeat and Aliwardi’s own inability to fight Raghuji led to a realisation that it would be difficult to face the Nagpur Raja on his own, and he began to look for alternative methods to face the situation. It was Aliwardi Khan himself who first sought the Peshwa’s help and sent his emissary Aayamal to meet Nanasaheb at Sironj in Malwa.

To be continued…

ALIWARDI’S CUNNING

Holwell describes the circumstances that led to the demand of Chauth by the Marathas and then goes on to describe the events after Nadir Shah’s invasion, “The Chauth or tribute was continued to be received by the Marathas from the Mughals even long after the revenues of the Deccan provinces had ceased to be paid into the royal treasury at Delhi; for in the year 1740, when the deputies of Shahuraja arrived as usual in Delhi to receive the Chauth, they were told by the Mughal’s ministry that Nadir Shah had lately so exhausted their treasury, that ‘the Badshah was rendered utterly incapable of satisfying their demands, the more especially as the revenues of the Bengal provinces had been withheld from the year 1738 by the rebellion of Aliwardi Khan, who in conjunction with his brother Haji Ahmed, had usurped the Government of that Subedari, they requesting at the same time that the deputies would entreat their master (Shahu), in the Badshah’s name, to send any army of sufficient force to exact the amount of the Chauth that was due to them, and also to take the heads of Aliwardi and his brother and restore the family of Shuja Khan to the Suba; as the distracted state of the Empire put it out of its power to send a force strong enough to reduce the two rebels.”

Whether Mohammedshah ever sent a Firman granting Aliwardi the Suba of Bengal has been questioned by Holwell in his book on ‘Historical Events’ published in 1765, much before the Persian Siyar was written. Holwell continues, “With this answer, and actual powers from the Badshah, the Shahu’s deputies departed for Satara – a fact that fully confutes the assertion of Aliwardi’s having received a Firman, confirming him in the Government.”

Holwell adds how Aliwardi only pretended to receive a Firman, which was actually fake, “Aliwardi sitting in state a whole day to receive the sham Firman, with the usual ceremonials on such occasions; but this is a fare that has been since played in some parts of the province of Bengal, and laughed at, as much as it was then. For the Seths could always cook up a Firman from court whenever it was wanted. That Aliwardi was never confirmed in the Government by a real Firman, is a fact that admits of no doubt.”

To buttress this, Holwell cites an invasion of Bengal against Aliwardi in 1750, which was to be led by Badshah Ahmedshah and Safdarjung the Vazir, “but differences arising between the young Badshah Ahmedshah and Raja Jeet Singh – the Vazir was recalled from this service – his retreat was bought off by Aliwardi, at the price of fifty lakh rupees.”

The sum of Holwell’s assertions is that Mohammedshah, and later his son Ahmedshah, had never quite accepted the usurpation of Bengal by Aliwardi Khan and no Firman had ever been issued to formalise his appointment. It was not dissimilar to the Nizam-ul-Mulk’s assumption of autonomy in Hyderabad with mere lip service to the Badshah at Delhi. It is also not very clear whether Mir Habib’s embassy to Nagpur resulted immediately in a Maratha invasion of Bengal and Odisha, nor whether he accompanied their armies – as we shall see later. However, the Badshah’s admission of weakness and his inability to pay dues to Shahu’s representatives would be cause enough to plan an expedition to Bengal at just such a time. When Raghuji returned to Satara, victorious from the Carnatic campaign, Shahu found Raghuji to be the man who could lead his armies into Bengal, not only to chastise Aliwardi, but also to obtain the tribute directly from the invasion.

There are a few Bengali sources describing the Maratha invasion of the time. They are often peppered heavily with mythological references and not complete. The first, titled ‘Anandamangala’ is a contemporary reference written by Bharatachandra, a Brahmin who was the court poet of a Zamindar patron named Raja Krishna Chandra of Nadia, who was once imprisoned by Aliwardi Khan for not paying him an offering.

Bharatachandra begins by describing Aliwardi’s attack on the temples at Bhubaneshwar in Odisha and describes the deities Shiva and Durga to be angry as a result. Shiva’s attendant Nandi is enraged and decides to destroy the universe. Shiva then appears in his dream and orders him to go to Shahuraja. The poet quotes Lord Shiva telling Nandi, “There is at Satara the King of the Bargis (a term for Maratha horsemen from the Persian ‘Bargir’, meaning a rider with a horse) who is a great devotee of mine. Do thou appear in his dreams and he will come here to subdue the Yavanas. On hearing this Nandi revealed everything to the King of the Bargis in his dream, which enraged him highly. So, Raghuraja sent Bhaskar Pandit to Bengal…”

In the prologue of the same work Bharatachandra writes, “The dream which the Maratha king saw, made him angry, Raghuji Bhosale sent Bhaskar Pandit, and with him an army of men – ugly and fierce, troopers from Maharashtra, Saurashtra and other places, they robbed the people of Bengal and made them beggars, and making bridges of boats crossed the Ganga.”

To be continued…