BABUJI NAIK MEETS NIZAM

The situation at Shahu’s court was as mentioned before. The Angre brothers had been engaging in whatever they wished like in the Konkan. Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II and Queen Jijabai II had taken help from Murarrao Ghorpade, and had readied themselves up to pounce upon Satara. Murarrao was desirous of acquiring the office of the Senapati with Shahu. Raghuji Bhosale was also extremely shrewd. If the situation arose, he was desirous of acquiring the office of the Chhatrapati for his son. Shinde and Holkar had brought over them a new risky proposition by intervening in the Rajput war in the north. Nizam-ul-Mulk and his sons had been keeping busy in the enterprise to keep an eye out for the Maratha side to fall weak, and when they could take advantage of the same. Shahu himself had to lie down in his bed, and hearing all the news report from various places, would get frightened to the core. The worry that the Peshwa should not move away from him even for an hour, if he went away, he would not survive, would not allow him to stay calm.

So many people had begun requesting Shahu about the Carnatic, that he fell into complete consternation in resolving their disputes. The Peshwa began a project through his secret plan to flatly deny anybody else any benefit from the Carnatic. Since both the queens insisted for their own candidates, the affair became further complicated. Babuji Naik had not given up his quest for a foothold in the Carnatic, went on a protest fast, and generated sympathy for himself in Shahu’s heart. Since all of them complained against the Peshwa, Shahu too opposed him.

Towards the end of 1745, Babuji Naik embarked on the second campaign to the Carnatic with Maharaj’s permission. From December 1745 onwards, the Nizam began getting news about the progress of this army. He sent some of his lieutenants to face the challenge, and the early months of 1746 were spent in this manner. To arrest Naik’s advance, the Nizam dispatched his forces towards the Carnatic under his son Naseer Jung. By the end of February 1746, Babuji began seeking help to face the Nizam’s armies marching against him. Naik established friendship with the Pratinidhi and secured his help. The Peshwa’s assistants Nago Ram stayed at Aurangabad, Raghunath Ganesh stayed with the Nizam’s army campaign, and kept trying to foil Naik’s activities. After the onset of the monsoon, a meeting was arranged between Babuji and the Nizam. Naik met the Nizam and demanded the control over Arcot, which had not been handed over before.

In the month of April 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “We and the whole army remained at home in the current year. Constantly faced the creditors. If we thought of taking out a fresh loan, nobody had the money. So, collect the annual revenues and quickly dispatch some money. You are already aware of the overall status of things here. About reports at court, it is only the first day today. Sambhajiraje has got stuck on the issue of Babuji Naik. So, Rajashree Swami ordered us to stand guarantor. We have accepted it. Sambhajiraje was given leave to depart on 20 August 1746. He was given two elephants, five horses, one sword, and four protocol garments. He will march-off in one or two days.”

A Marathi letter of July 1746 from Nago Ram to the Peshwa’s cousin Sadashivrao Bhau shows the state Babuji was in at that time, “Babuji and Aabaji (his brother) met the Nizam and said that they had not received the Chauth of Arcot and asked for at least a lakh of rupees. They also asked the Nizam to grant a Jagir and they will render service in lieu of it.  They also asked for the income from the Carnatic for the following year, in advance.

“Then the Nawab replied that the Arcot amount will be paid there itself. He said that he will give orders for other payments, however, they too will be paid at those places. And how could he pay the amount due for next year from the Carnatic? The Nizam told them to go to Satara and obtain entitlements, then he will do the needful. ‘You have many enemies at Satara’, he told them. in this manner, he spoke sweet words. Babuji was extremely disappointed. On return to his camp he thought he will severely remonstrate and obtain something from the Nizam. He thought he will perform same kind of Dharna he performed at Pune and Satara. Then, a few counselled him saying, you will only make a spectacle of yourself. He is extremely stressed due to lack of funds. He is unable to get any loans. He sold some utensils to raise money. He is giving bonds to his debtors on the income of Arcot. The income is just over three lakhs, but he has already issued bonds of over six. In this manner, he spends his days.”

On the way back, Babuji looted some Parganas of Chhatrapati Sambhaji II of Kolhapur, and this was the reason in 1746 that Sambhajiraje had come to Satara seeking compensation. The Peshwa, who was in Satara, was asked to resolve Sambhaji II’s complaint against Babuji. Sambhaji II stayed at Satara for five to six months. In that period, Sambhaji II came to know about the discussions taking place there with respect to the future setup, and the investigations for an heir in Ramraja. In this relation, since the secret agreement between Sambhaji II and the Peshwa had still held, due to which Sambhaji II and Jijabai were carefree. In many of the letters they wrote to the Peshwa in the next ten years, they seem to have reminded him of this same agreement. Queen Sakwarbai already favoured Sambhaji II. At that time nobody much anticipated that Tarabai would prop-up Ramraja in a completely unexpected move. But in due course of time, due to this introduction of Ramraja the other claimants fell behind. At the time of Shahu’s death too, while Sakwarbai was committing Sati, she instructed everyone passionately to install Sambhaji II on the throne, and not bring about a completely foolhardy appointment.

To be continued…

DOMESTIC ISSUES

Having secured Gujarat, Malwa, and Bundelkhand from the Mughal Badshah, and having mended relations with Raghuji Bhosale, Nanasaheb now looked to the south. The year 1746, was mostly spent by Nanasaheb at Satara. He described the whole situation there to Ramchandrababa on 21 October 1746 as follows, “We have written about the happenings at court to the Sardars, from which you will understand. The reason for us being held up at court till today is, Rajashree Swami’s government has become debt-ridden. The expenses of the queens are limitless, the situation being rendered like a pauper always. Therefore, Rajashree has issued strict instructions to all his stewards about tightening the strings.

“Rajashree Swami is busy in household affairs. He himself should give us leave to embark on campaign. But he remains busy in his own things. When we think of requesting to grant us the permission to leave, he would get upset. So, we have not discussed with him till today. The thing has been left neglected like this. We are also thinking of leaving from here. Looking for the right opportunity and the Swami’s mental state, we will request the same. But we don’t feel like this year we will be able to visit (north). We don’t even know how many more days it will take to secure the permission to leave. After getting this permission and returning to Pune, we will need to take care of some administrative affairs in Konkan.”

Shripatrao Pratinidhi, a close friend and confidante of Shahu, passed away on 25 November 1746. Shahu was especially fond of him. Losing his very old and especially close colleague caused Shahu extreme grief. He began feeling that he was also at the end of his days. Pratinidhi’s wife Radhabai was a devoted wife and committed Sati. Shripatrao was childless. So, Shahu gave the office of the Pratinidhi to his younger brother Jagjivanrao alias Dadoba on 17 December 1746. Yamaji Shivdeo was appointed as his Mutalik (representative). This Yamaji Shivdeo became a staunch opponent of the Peshwa.

Naro Ram Mantri too died after Shahu in 1750. Thus, even while Nanasaheb wished to go to Malwa and Bundelkhand, due to Shahu’s failing health, he was stuck at Satara. Shahu had remained worried that if Nanasaheb left, what would happen with him in Nanasaheb’s absence. In the face of the burden of debt and the issues of his queens, Nanasaheb was his only support. Shahu was completely convinced at that time, that at least Nana was capable of surviving through each and every type of situation, and he did not have a single person equalling Nana. Two months after the above letter, Nanasaheb wrote another letter to Ramchandrababa, “We have already written about the courtly affairs and about Rajashree Shripatrao’s death. Both the mansions have acquired great power. How extensively should one write about that! We are pushing things ahead with whatever tact we can think of. Sometimes we also have to just listen. Sometimes we have to just say yes. Things are moving in this direction here.”

Both of Shahu’s queens would act within the remit drawn up for them by Birubai. The eldest queen Sakwarbai was of a fierce nature. The two queens also had their own favourites among the Sardars– Raghuji was the favourite of the younger Sagunabai and Babuji Naik was favoured by the elder Sakwarbai. The queens’ considerable influence on Shahu decided on the award of Mokasas (territories to the Sardars to sustain their armies). Sakwarbai started getting Maharaj grant her various benefices and assignments and began managing them. Younger queen Sagunabai also then granted benefices and assignments. She would act as per Maharaj’s orders and would take care of his satisfaction. The elder queen was of delicate health. They began to insist upon being treated equally. Whatever was granted to one, that was being demanded in equal measure by the other. The Peshwa’s Mutalik in Satara, Mahadoba Purandare, often counselled the Peshwa about the way the wind was blowing and tried to put his case before Maharaj to the best of his ability. Shahu himself was quite unable to get the queens to stay out of his administration.

Various complainants and applicants from the city began trying to use the influence of these queens. They began depositing the revenue collections from towns etc. with whoever they were aligned with. They began buying Watan rights from the queens. This caused great consternation for Maharaj.

To be continued…

NANASAHEB’S INTERVENTION

The entire affair was a piece of chicanery to resolve a dispute and achieve one’s ends by obtaining funds for the growing needs of the Empire. Nanasaheb thereby tried to strike a balance between the two brothers. In reality, it poured more fuel into the fire. There was also a divide between Jayappa Shinde and Malharrao Holkar that the Peshwa felt would be harmful to the Empire. Holkar and Ramchandrababa i.e. Shinde took opposing sides. Due to this, the Maratha prestige was damaged.

On 7 March 1747, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “Ranaji’s emissaries have come here. They are presenting the case of Madho Singh. In it, the main point is, Ishwari Singh had promised to hand over a Jagir worth twenty-four lakhs to Madho Singh. But you hurried to his help and he succeeded. Since the Sardars (Shinde-Holkar) disturbed the administration and negotiations, Madho Singh lost the claim. You convinced Madho Singh to accept region worth three lakh rupees only. But this has been a source of constant concern. Both of them are Sawaiji’s sons. It is not as if Ishwari Singh only should rule, and Madho Singh is incapable and undeserving. If we help place Madho Singh on the throne, they would also help us. However, we are not giving them an opportunity as Ishwari Singh is dear to us. But Ishwari Singh had agreed to hand over the region worth twenty-four lakhs, which he should comply with. Presently, Ranaji’s emissaries are agreeing to hand over the authority of the region worth fifteen lakh rupees. They are saying, ‘Whatever we ought to present to the Swami (Peshwa), we would.’ So, we should convince Ishwari Singh to honour the agreement and hand over the region worth twenty-four lakh rupees. So, do write your considered and final opinion about this matter. In our opinion, Ishwari Singh should hand over the region to Madho Singh as per their agreement. From Madho Singh, we should extract twelve, fourteen or even more lakhs if possible. In this, both parties would fulfil their objectives. Our own ends are also met.”

Upon this, Ramchandrababa informed the Peshwa, “Madho Singh’s political claim is weak, it does not have strength. We will not earn any money in it. People are under the impression that the Swami initially supported Ishwari Singh. This proposal goes against that.”

While in the Newai campaign, the Peshwa noticed the germs of discord between Shinde and Holkar. The next letter from April 1747 displays the Peshwa’s consternation and the real state of affairs, “Ranaji began negotiating with the Mughal Amirs and then submitted the request to Malharji. In this matter, Malharji insisted with us in various ways that, ‘The claim is worthwhile. If both parties act reasonable, the dispute can be resolved. The Swami would earn money.’ This way he has written insistently. Malharba takes special pride in this. It is not as if you (meaning Jayappa by application) hold any specific side’s affection in your heart. You have been serving loyally so far. You have always done whatever the master desired, benefited from or increased his prestige. Only because of that everything went on nicely and the service of the Swami occurred. Presently Malharba has picked up a side. If you pick up Ishwari Singh’s side, you will become an opponent for him. He will live up to his word and stand in opposition. We heard news reports from many people that mutual conflicts between you and Malharrao Holkar have increased. We should not have differences in our own household amongst the Sardars. In a family, there will be such differences. But so far there was no mutual animosity. Everybody had been working with common mindset, and kept working on the plans to maintain the master’s benefit and prestige. Through God’s grace and our forefathers’ virtues, whatever they aimed for, they could accomplish. You yourself have accomplished so many successful objectives. Extraordinary prestige and fame spread everywhere. This might spread everywhere in Hindustan and might harm our work. The unity displayed till today will be disturbed. Great and noble plans will be side-tracked and the British would get a chance to engineer splits amongst ourselves. This is what we feel would happen. Therefore, do not obstinately hold to your position, do not display our internal disagreement, ensure Malharba’s desire is respected, and do what will grow our already achieved success. There should be no wavering from that path. In future also you will execute many things for the Swami. You two are the pillars of this state in all respects. I have no doubt you will do what is right. Both of you have so far taken our advice into consideration and have always planned consensually, you should continue to act accordingly. But there should be absolutely no discord amongst family members. Even before, Malharba has complied with your suggestions, while you have accomplished his intentions. Therefore, the glory has grown. The army that follows one principle, remains unified. There have been no disagreements. Presently, many renowned people are discussing whatever they feel like about the mutual differences amongst the two houses, whether it is in our own kingdom or the imperial realms. It is not like we are happy in the prosperity of one. But through our forefathers’ hard work, our army has been excellent, all the Sardars have been united, brave, capable men, and even if the sky falls down there won’t be any mistake in their valour and courage, so it has been in the past. Everybody praises their manliness and magnanimity. We desire this utmost.

“Presently, Malharba is going to stay back at Indore, and will go to meet Ranaji (of Udaipur). We have heard that you will come to Deccan. So, if he remained back home, and you alone come here, how will this appear to the people? Our enemies discuss about engineering a split amongst our Sardars and wish that their plans succeed after that, that would become possible. Raghuji Bhosale and Babuji Naik met Asafjah at Aurangabad. They are discussing plans to cause problems for us. The Nawab is not capable, but they are just telling him sweet lies, and agreeing with him just to keep him entertained. They say that Rajashree Swami is in debt and they must repay it. For this, they demand money, whatever they wish for. We cannot approve whatever they ask for. Therefore, they speak about utmost discord outside. This too causes people to become happy and they too engage in many discussions about this. Nawab Asafjah is known for his deceit. He makes one person run and sends the other to chase him! You are aware of this very well. Instead, he should be shown some spark to force him to reconcile. Secondly, you ought to think about Rajashree’s debts. We wrote to you often to come and meet us, but so far you have not been able to come. However, in the months of Ashwin and Kartik we shall meet. Let us meet, discuss the future plans, and then execute our plans. In summary, we feel that both of you should come, whatever plans we feel appropriate, internal or external, should be discussed in everybody’s presence. So, convince Malharba appropriately and bring him along. He would give many excuses to avoid coming here. But you should satisfy him in various ways and must bring him along. Once all are together, we will cleanse his polluted heart, the bitterness will disappear, and you and him would behave as before. Meanwhile, we won’t be concerned because through God’s grace you would not think otherwise. Main thing is, there should be no internal differences between our Sardars, and our power should not diminish. Another problem is, Rajashree desires to secure a new loan from us amounting to fifteen to twenty lakh rupees. Since he has not been able to get it, he has grown unhappy. The problems in the senior mansion (elder queen) is always growing. Since we captured Manaji Angre’s fort Manikgad, the erstwhile grace from the junior mansion (younger queen) has also dried up. If such problems and internal dissensions arise, we could still resolve them through God’s grace.

“Reason we have written in detail is, Malharba has obstinately stuck to his position. If we don’t accept it, he will feel sad. He will insist upon leaving you. Therefore, do convince Malharba in all respects, and bring him along for achieving our objectives. The army is sitting at home for two years and new loans had to be raised by ten to fifteen lakhs. It is absolutely necessary that we carry out a campaign this year. That too came about only because Rajashree provided his approval and farewell. We all must meet at one place quickly and then execute our plans. This does not mean that you ought to be told your tasks in writing. You have greyed your hair in all this. In summary, the external people should not witness our domestic disputes. Our internal discord should not become a blocker for the growth of the kingdom. Therefore, request you to ensure the name does not get besmirched due to these rumours of internal discord, and act accordingly. Howsoever that plan comes to fruition, do that quickly, convince Malharba and bring him along. You too are our longest lasting friend. What further detail to write! You clear the suspicions in Malharba’s heart and come quickly along with him. Whatever can be done to resolve this issue, I request you to do and bring them forward for a good cause. Secondly, when it was agreed that Ranaji would give the region of fifteen lakh revenue, then it is not correct to display obstinacy.”

To be continued…

WAR OF JAIPUR THRONE

After the murder of Jyotiba Shinde in Bundelkhand in 1743, the forces of Shinde and Holkar stayed in Malwa for the monsoon to control the province. Nanasaheb dealt with some issues on the west coast and took a couple of hill forts near Junnar belonging to the Nizam. The Nizam, therefore, sent his officer Sayyed Lashkar Khan to meet the Peshwa. This became a nagging issue between the two and Nanasaheb’s departure to the north was delayed until December 1744. By this time, Shinde and Holkar had subdued the Pathan Nawab of Bhopal, who then agreed to pay his annual tribute. They next laid siege to the fort of Bhilsa (Vidisha). In March 1745, the fort was captured and the treaty with the Nawab of Bhopal led to a cession of fifteen districts to the Peshwa besides a yearly payment of tribute. The ruler of Orchha was made to pay a tribute in money and elephants, and half of his territory was annexed. In his third campaign to the north in 1745, Nanasaheb stationed himself at Vidisha and began sorting out minor revolts in that area.

Ishwari Singh of Jaipur opened discussions with Shinde and Holkar, paid them the army expenses, and brought them to help him. In the month of February 1745, he defeated Madho Singh with this help. The Peshwa and his Sardars both kept up the policy of acquisition of money and did not pay attention to justice. Meanwhile, Ranoji Shinde died in the month of July 1745. After that, some estrangement occurred between his son Jayappa and his steward Ramchandrababa. Due to that the unanimity in the northern policy was disturbed.

In August 1746, Malharrao Holkar had written to the Peshwa about an evolving crisis in the Jaipur succession. He wrote that there was an agreement with the Rana of Udaipur by which Madho Singh was to receive a share of twenty-five lakh rupees, but Jaipur’s incumbent ruler Ishwari Singh was blocking it. Holkar advised the Peshwa that nobody from Delhi would join Ishwari Singh or object to any action against him, and that even nobles like Mansoor Ali Khan and Aamir Khan were in favour of Madho Singh. The letter reveals Holkar’s aim as early as 1746 to help Madho Singh gain the kingdom of Jaipur, which he claimed by virtue of being the son of an Udaipur princess.

Madho Singh and his uncle Jagat Singh did not quit the pursuit of their objectives. Meanwhile, Bundi’s Umed Singh Hada also lost his kingdom and he joined Madho Singh. On 4 October 1746, meeting at Nathdwara, they discussed many plans. They opened discussions with Malharrao Holkar and sought his help.

Along with the Jaipur dispute, the Maratha operations in the Gwalior region continued under Vitthal Shivdeo Vinchurkar. On 27 January 1747, he wrote to Shinde and Holkar that he had captured the fort of Antri, just south of Gwalior after a siege of a month and a half and was now working to capture the Narwar fort.

Malharrao sent his son Khanderao and attempted to broker some kind of compromise. But that could not get implemented, and the affair came to a head. Jaipur’s experienced and hereditary Dewan Khatri Aayamal, who has also been referred to in the documents with names Rajamal or Malji, died on 9 February 1747, and his son Keshavdas assumed the office of Jaipur’s Pradhan. Since then, the Maratha relationship with the Jaipur throne fell into disrepair.

The Rana of Udaipur sent his own envoy to meet the Peshwa to canvas for the cause of Madho Singh. The Peshwa was informed that Ishwari Singh had failed to hand over the promised territory to his brother. The Peshwa had taken Ishwari Singh’s side before this. Opposing that, Malharrao now took up Madho Singh’s side in hope of securing some money. The Peshwa fell into a dilemma.

Ishwari Singh was joined by Jayappa Shinde while Madho Singh was supported by Malharrao Holkar. The two Maratha Sardars were now in an open confrontation with each other. Ishwari Singh’s two commanders, Narayandas and Hargovind, attacked Madho Singh and the Rana on the battlefield of Rajmahal. The battle began on 1 March 1747, and went on for two days. “Ishwari Singh emerged victorious. He captured much plunder from Madho Singh’s contingent. Ranaji’s force ran away. Many people died on both sides. Khanderao Holkar was standing to a side. He was killed by Narayandasji.”

Ishwari Singh, supported by Shinde defeated Madho Singh with Holkar’s army and claimed the throne. After this, Jagat Singh sued for peace, which was accepted by Ishwari Singh, and he returned to Jaipur after the roaring success. A terrible famine was going on this year in the north. Due to this failure, Maharana became extremely dejected, and began pressing Malharrao for help.

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…

CONSPIRACY OF COURTIERS

From 25 August up to 14 September 1748, Nanasaheb remained at Satara. He must have noticed that if he remained constantly in front of Shahu, caused an awkwardness for Shahu in his usual free administrative operations. Shahu used to behave as if under pressure. To ensure that did not happen, and Shahu should be fearlessly performing his administrative responsibilities, Nanasaheb probably moved to a place of stay outside Satara, but nearby. He secretly arranged for his security and presence at Satara. However, he remained somewhat aloof by not intervening in any of the complications that arose there. Besides, he was busy with external work as well. The opposing party polluted Shahu’s men by raising an uproar that Nana has become uncontrollable, he remains under the control of his addictions, he would not even listen to Shahu himself now, etc. So, Shahu performed his own inquiries about the truth of their claims, and all these accusations were proven false.

The people opposing Nanasaheb had completely polluted Shahu’s heart against him. This fear of the opposing party was not completely unfounded. It was clearly visible, if Nanasaheb continued in the office of the Peshwa, then after Shahu, whichever king sat on the throne, or whichever arrangement was put in place, the whole authority would pass into the Peshwa’s hands. In such situations, instead of positive thoughts, the common public tends to be more captivated by inappropriate suspicions. This was not only a question of wisdom or capability. All the Sardars and ministers were ready to behave as per Shahu’s orders. But why should they have to display that obedience to a Brahmin youth just twenty-five years old! The Queens and other people undoubtedly nursed a fear, that since they had opposed the Peshwa so far, when all the authority passed into his hands, he would definitely exact vengeance. Therefore, all these people had begun their efforts towards not handing over all authority to the Peshwa, deciding to install some other type of arrangement, installing some other master for the kingdom like Mudhoji Bhosale etc. Shahu was under a huge burden of debt. The Peshwa had collected good amount of money. Everybody had this assumption. So, if he was deposed from the office of the Pradhan, the government would acquire some wealth, and then the future arrangement could be modified, such was their overall plan. They probably had estimated, that Balajirao would openly revolt, and he would disrespect even Shahu’s orders. But Nanasaheb was extremely shrewd. He perfectly knew Shahu’s nature and how to keep him satisfied. Therefore, he presented a face that was in absolute surrender. It does not look like this whole affair was over in two or four days. It is possible that Shahu had kept Balajirao hanging for a month or two. Shahu could have expected that he would present large gifts which could be used to repay his debts.

Thus, it was not just a legend that Shahu had taken away the office of the Pradhan from the Peshwa. This was the last effort of Nanasaheb’s competitors to remove him completely from the state administration. The fire was further fuelled by his competitors, and Shahu tried to keep Nanasaheb away, at least for some days, and tried to see whether the administration would improve using anybody else. The rumours that reached Shahu about Nanasaheb’s behaviour in the personal life may also have contributed to Shahu dismissing him from office. It was only after Shahu had cleared his doubts that Nanasaheb was trusted with the affairs of the empire again. Shahu perhaps knew that he did not have long to live. His anxiety on account of not having a son and successor was, therefore, acute. He was looking for a person who would faithfully manage the kingdom after him. He recalled Raghuji Bhosale to Satara. Raghuji was at this time immersed in a domestic dispute with the son of Kanhoji Bhosale. His plate was full of annual expeditions to Bengal. But since Raghuji flatly refused to undertake the responsibility and decided to support the Peshwa, Shahu again appointed Nanasaheb back. In this overall complication, two to three months of Nanasaheb were wasted in utter consternation. A meeting between Shahu and the Peshwa could not be brought about, and no other arrangement also could be implemented. Nanasaheb spent some days in this ambiguous and tense state. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “The matter at court is that there has been no resolution in our matter until yesterday. Larger dispute is about the elder mansion (queen). We are trying to resolve that affair through whatever we can think of. The situation is extremely complicated, and that is why the delay.”

To be continued…

MUTUAL ANIMOSITY CONTINUES

The Peshwa was near Jaipur at the time of Mudagad campaign. Ramchandrababa in a letter to Nanasaheb Peshwa on 1 April 1748 described the entire campaign and ended the letter saying, “Mudagad was settled by the Swami. It was lost and fell into ruins earlier. Tulaji Angre had built the fort again and settled some people atop it. From there, he would indulge into raiding to plunder all the outposts in the Panhala province. He had wrought an absolute havoc. It was like he had begun a complete annihilation. Upon that, Bawda’s Bhagwantrao, Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Wadi’s Sawant, Appaji Angre all joined together took five hundred cavalrymen and eight to ten thousand infantrymen, attacked Mudagad and captured it. They burnt and polished off all the region from Rajapur up to Sangameshwar. A serious warning has thus been given to Tulaji Angre without any effort on the part of Your Honour. It is necessary for Your Honour to reward Appaji Angre adequately… There were defections at the fort of Suvarnadurg. Tulaji Angre personally went there and found twenty defectors. They were all killed. The Konkan is reduced to ash. Tulaji Angre might come to Satara for the Swami’s meeting on the Varshapratipada (Gudhipadwa, Hindu new year).”

Even in the Rajkot battle, Yesaji alias Appaji Angre fought on the Peshwa’s side. Appaji Angre’s help in Mudagad and Revdanda brought him into favour with Shahu. Earlier, there had been a move to appoint Appaji Angre as the Sarkhel in place of Tulaji, and he even sent a few letters with a seal calling himself as one. However, when Tulaji heard of the possibility, a few of his followers pretending to have differences with him, joined Appaji. At the earliest opportunity, probably before May 1748, these men murdered Appaji. However, there is some uncertainty about this as Appaji is also said to have moved to Gwalior where he continued to stay with his family.

The activities of Tulaji in south Konkan continued. In May 1748, he captured three forts from his neighbours, and the matter was reported to Shahu. Shahu commanded that the forts be returned, or armies will be sent to remedy the aggression. A perturbed Shahu also declared that if the Peshwa did not send his army, he would lead an army himself.

Manaji’s wavering loyalty was always a source of anxiety to the Marathas. The Peshwa could not hold Manikgad for long. On Nanasaheb’s return from the campaign to the north, the Manikgad affair was closed on 24 July 1748, when he ordered Ramaji Mahadev that the fort should be returned to Manaji Angre.

In 1748, Tulaji went south to Cannanore. Commodore William James’ fleet was attacked near Vijaydurg in October 1749 and his ship ‘Restoration’ was carried off to the fort. A British report said, “The engagement began at 11 at night and on the 13 October 1749 about noon, it being calm, she was boarded on all quarters, when the vessel was taken and the same day carried into Gheria.”

Tulaji continued his attacks on British ships when he attacked Commodore Lisle, and in 1753, he even attacked a much larger Dutch ship with fifty guns on it. At this time, Tulaji himself was in touch with the British and sent proposals of peace to the Company. The Company replied that they “would willingly embrace (the proposal) if he could deposit lakh of rupees as a security for his not taking any ships or vessels belonging to them, for which sum he would receive an annual interest.” Tulaji, however, refused to give any security to the Company for keeping his word after he took Anjanvel.

The Company’s letter also went on to complain about Manaji Angre saying, “we are at peace, yet he frequently plunders our defenceless boats.”

The last part of the letter from the British asked the Peshwa to take measures to stop the plundering of mercantile ships, “I think it would greatly benefit your dominions as well as for the Honourable Company’s interest if you in your prudence should take some effectual measures for rooting out all the pirates on this coast, and for this purpose I am always ready to assist. Some months back, Sambhajiraja (of Kolhapur) advising me he intended march against Gheria (Vijaydurg). I then showed him how willingly inclined I was to take any good measures for effecting so necessary a work.” The mention of the ruler of Kolhapur shows that his possessions in the south Konkan around the fort of Sindhudurg were also subject to Tulaji’s depradations.

Tulaji Angre’s arrogance is expressed in his next utterances, “Yamajipant and Antaji Shivdeo came to Satara. You wrote that there is news that there have been some disturbances beneath the fort, in this regard, such acts belong to real men. Whoever wishes to, should get their doubts cleared. (We) Don’t count anybody in this regard. To top it, in this province, the subject means a group of Bhudevs (Brahmins), and apart from them, the thoughts about forts and fortresses are well-known (12 June 1755).”

This way, the animosity between Manaji, Tulaji Angre and the Peshwa went on increasing with time.

To be continued…

KASHI’S PULL

A practical difficulty that Visaji Dadaji, Bai’s steward had written to Ramchandrababa goes as follows, “After going to Gaya, the pilgrimage has earned thirty to forty thousand so far. After everybody completes their worship at Gaya, we will come to Prayag. The revered mother has thought that she wants to stay at the sacred place for one whole year. We have tried to convince the mother in many ways otherwise, but she won’t listen to us. We will somehow take her up to Prayag at least. It does not look like she would agree to come to homeland from there. Even if she willed to stay back at the religious place, how would it come about without a treaty with Mansoor Ali Khan!”

After coming to Prayag, the lady simply refused to move on from there. “At that time, Krishnarao forced her saying, ‘If you won’t cross the Yamuna, I will give my life at the Triveni Sangam.’ Saying thus, he stepped out of camp and went to the bank of the Ganga. He took his wife also with him. The revered mother brought him back and kept him in the camp. She agreed with him to at least accompany him until the Kalighat.” The letter further mentions that they planned to march off the next day.

Ramchandrababa and Gangobatatya were in Bundelkhand, to whom Kashibai herself wrote, “I am in a great spot of bother. I feel like living back at Kashi for two to four months. But these two are forcing me to leave from here. So, please help me travel to Kashi.”

Krishnarao Chaskar wrote to the Peshwa, “The revered mother Tai’s body has become very frail.”

Another letter has reference, “The revered mother is not much happy due to her problem with the legs.”

Finally, on 28 March 1747 (1748?), Kashibai again wrote a letter from Sironj, which mentioned, “We will ride off tomorrow and arrive on the Narmada.”

This ‘problem with the leg’ went on for many days. Many Vaidyas from different places had been tried. This lady later died at Pune, six months after her mother-in-law’s death on 18 October 1753. This way, the whole affair of Kashibai’s Kashi pilgrimage is found to be scattered in many of the erstwhile documents.

One has to understand the prevalent behavioural patterns of the Hindus. Kashibai did not have ability to intervene in political matters. But since she was not much cared for at Pune, gathering a pilgrimage group around her, she seems to have intended to pretend to take out a kind of diplomatic mission everywhere.

Kashi held an attraction for the Marathas in general and the Peshwa family in particular. Sagunabai also visited Kashi during the turbulent months of 1757 when Ahmedshah Abdali came to Delhi, looted it and went on to Mathura where he massacred thousands of pilgrims and Hindus. Earlier, during Sagunabai’s illness in 1749, she was weighed in gold and the six hundred and fifty coins were sent as donations to places of pilgrimage. Of these five hundred gold coins were sent to Kashi, a hundred to Prayag and fifty to Gaya. In December 1749, after Shahu’s death, Govindpant Bundele was instructed to take his ashes for immersion to Kashi.

Even later, we have stories of families of Maratha Sardars visiting the holy place. Raghunathrao’s wife Anandibai died in 1794, yet her ashes were not immersed straightaway and left with an officer at Nasik. When her son Bajirao II became the Peshwa in 1796, he arranged for her ashes to be taken to Kashi for dispersal in the Ganga. A plaque on the Kalbhairav temple at Kashi to this day testifies to its repair and reconstruction by the Peshwas. The Shinde and the Bhosale Ghats are testimony to the construction done there by the Maratha Sardars. Ahilyabai, the daughter-in-law of Malharrao Holkar later did considerable work at Kashi including the construction of a new Kashi Vishwanath temple. The last of the Peshwas, Amrutrao and Chimaji Appa II also spent their last days at Kashi and left behind many Ghats and buildings that can be seen in the city to this day. The special bond felt amongst the Maratha rulers for Kashi continued until the end of their Empire.

While settling down the administration in the north, the Peshwa was also troubled by the new disturbances in the Deccan. This is evident from the Angre affair. This issue between the Angre brothers turned out to be harmful in the end.

To be continued…

CHANGING TIMES

We have seen the way the Maratha expanse and power had extended from the time Balaji Vishwanath had made the first trip to Delhi and shown it to the Marathas twenty-five years before. It is human nature, that whenever two persons or societies come together, due to their companionship, various kinds of good or bad effects are observed on their overall life. The letter by the Peshwa expresses the way when the imperial wealth and the Maratha poverty came to confront each other, due to which the eyes of the Maratha representatives were simply blinded by the radiance. In military affairs also, good and bad travel together.

There are references to other artefacts displaying the northern art and craftsmanship being ordered to be sent to Deccan. The Peshwa sent a letter to Bapuji Mahadev as follows, “We have written to you about provision of the articles like Peshawar’s incense, Lahore’s reins, oval arches from Multan, etc. Send them the moment you get this letter. Whatever unique to that province, do send it definitely.” This shows the way Maharashtra’s life went on expanding.

One can understand well from the erstwhile stories of the Kashi pilgrimage the way the life in Maharashtra went on transforming. Previously, this pilgrimage to the north Hindustan would seem almost impossible to people in the south. With the expansion of the Maratha Confederacy, the pilgrimage went on becoming easier. It also affected the politics of the time. Peshwa’s own mother also went on this Kashi pilgrimage. Its story expresses the difficulties faced while on the pilgrimage, the taxes paid, the charitable activities carried out, and the expectations of the Hindus and Muslims that were experienced throughout the journey.

The amorphous Maratha state of the first four decades of the eighteenth century was gradually given form, with a system of reporting, checks and balances, and some planning. The judiciary evolved in the districts. Provinces began to have firm boundaries, and districts were farmed out to people to administer as Kamavisdars, and Subedars were given well-defined responsibilities. At this time, the Peshwa was the one man from his family who looked after the affairs of the state. However, his cousin Sadashivrao Bhau was emerging as an able administrator. The Purandare family had at its head Mahadoba, who could be depended upon to give good advice. Ramchandrababa was another advisor and Govindrao Chitnis was an asset at the Chhatrapati’s court at Satara.

The Peshwa, however, still had the ageing Nizam – old friend cum adversary of the Marathas – to contend with in the Deccan. The old order comprising Mohammedshah, Nizam-ul-Mulk, Sawai Jaisingh, and Chhatrapati Shahu were scripting their last acts. Times were changing and the Peshwa, from where he was, had not yet realised that his reign would see some of the biggest opportunities and challenges of the eighteenth century.

The first requirement to build the future he desired, was money. The two rivers of gold from the north and the south existed. It remained a challenge to bring them to Pune. The aspirants were too many and the race to garner the resources would be a furious one.

It is time to talk of Kashi, a city that lives where the river Ganga turns north, so that the entire riverfront at the spot faces east towards the rising sun. It is said that the city began at the Raj Ghat to the north of the city where the river Varuna joins the Ganga. From here to the Assi Ghat where the river Assi joins the Ganga, is ‘Varanasi’ – a word that originates from Varuna and Assi and gives us the geographical limits of the city.

From times immemorial, the Kashi-Yatra was an integral part of life for the Hindus. As the oldest continually inhabited city in the world, Kashi along with Prayag, Gaya, Mathura, and Ayodhya were places that were held in great reverence. The eighteenth century was marked by the spread of the Maratha power in the north up to the Gangetic Doab and the number of Marathi people who began travelling to this place grew year after year.

The Peshwa devoted considerable attention to the city and spent money in the construction of Ghats and places for pilgrims to stay. This was true through Indian history, when powerful kings and chiefs always added to the city, and many of these structures stand there to this day. Among the Peshwas, the desire to obtain possession of Kashi from the Nawab of Awadh was particularly strong. Nanasaheb Peshwa strived to obtain it as did his son Madhavrao.

To be continued…

EFFECTS ON MAHARASHTRIAN LIFE

The twenty-year-old Peshwa led an army north for the first time in 1740 and met Sawai Jaisingh at Dhaulpur. The very next year he went north again and camped in Bundelkhand. Here, he saw the life of the nobles, the customs, the wealth of the region, the people, their religiosity, and their forms of entertainment.

With the Mughal Empire in decline, the grant-notifications of Malwa in hand, and Bundelkhand, Gujarat as well as Carnatic subjugated to the Maratha rule, the Pandit Pradhan had the leisure to observe the differences between the arid poor region around Pune, and the faraway rich lands his armies governed. He found many deficiencies in his capital city, the way people led their lives, their artistic accomplishments as well as aesthetic pursuits.

The Peshwa was young, he had been bequeathed an Empire earned by his father and uncle. His monarch, in the fourth decade of his reign, was getting old. The young Peshwa had dreams and ambitions, and the more he travelled to the distant parts of the country, the more he thought of the condition of his land and people.

The huge campaigns the Peshwa indulged in in the initial one-and-a-half to two years of his reign in the north Hindustan, and the campaigns he indulged in afterwards, did not show much effect as compared to the expectations. The grant-notifications about Malwa and Gujarat had fallen into his hands. Still, it was taking time for the Maratha dominance to be established in Bundelkhand. Raghuji Bhosale’s affair did not quiet down. The whole of the West Bangla country up to the Gangasagar (Bay of Bengal) in the east, fell under the Maratha projection. But many more efforts and bloodshed were due before all that affair culminated. One huge and most important outcome of these campaigns was that the new Peshwa actually realised the details of the strings of the political activities of the whole of north Hindustan; the objectives of various actors, their different actions; and about the overall situation. On the other hand, the northern officials saw a detailed demonstration of the Maratha capability and power. Due to this, both the parties realised the way the future course of political set up was to be driven. This seems to be the outcome of these campaigns. Here onwards, the Peshwa began to display his real capability. Days of tentative groping and stepping ahead were left behind. It became easy for the ultimate fruit of Bajirao’s valour and enterprise to fall into the Maratha hands. Ramchandrababa, Mahadoba Purandare etc. many other persons became capable to take care of the future administrative responsibilities. Sakharam Bapu Bokil began earning initial experiences in his life.

The above description relates the way the Peshwa succeeded in his activities purely on the basis of diplomacy without troubling anybody with armed struggle. Still, the experiments to drive the Marathas away had been going on from the beginning. On 25 May 1743, the ambassador at Jaipur wrote to Shinde, “Entering into an agreement at the Delhi court, and accepting the responsibility, Gulab Singh has come here, with a mission to threaten you, secure the forts and infantry, join with the Bundelas, and together capture whole Bundelkhand and Malwa by defeating the Ganim (Marathas). Bhadawar’s castellan has defeated Naro Shankar. Therefore, there should be no mistake in the security. Protect the outposts you have acquired.”

Naro Shankar was more powerful than everybody. He and Shindes subdued all the Bundelas and straightened them up. The above letter proves that the Orchha’s ruler murdered Jyotiba in the month of November 1742, and Naro Shankar vanquished them at the beginning of 1743. While returning, the Peshwa had also warned Malharrao Holkar in this relation. The Peshwa had informed him, that the Bundela kings would try and delay as much as possible, and he should thoughtfully resolve the tasks of Chanderi and Datia. Malharrao accepted it. After the Peshwa returned to the Deccan, on 23 September 1743, Sawai Jaisingh died, at the age of fifty-five. Due to this, these friendly relations between the Rajput and Marathas which had lasted for forty years, went on diminishing going forward.

The Peshwa earned and brought with him much money from this long campaign in the north Hind, and repaid the Chhatrapati’s debts. Hereafter, a river of funds began flowing from the north to the south. Nanasaheb’s interest in developing Pune into a capital city that would rival the cities of the north, perhaps arose very early in his reign. From Bundelkhand, he wrote an extraordinary letter to Nana Purandare on 26 December 1742, and opened his heart about what he saw and what he wished to achieve. A striking example of excellent Marathi prose of the times, the letter also reveals the Peshwa’s mind. In it, the Peshwa’s blythe, tasteful nature, intellectual and hopeful demeanour is expressed perfectly. Nanasaheb wrote about the regions in the north, “’To Chiranjeev Rajashree Nana (Purandare) from Balaji Bajirao Pradhan, many blessings. In this province, the ancient Hindu kings are proficient in Sanskrit, deplore the company of courtesans and liquor, are wealthy for seven generations, are well-versed in the arts, have consorts from their own castles, who are also experts and have won over their senses. They seem slightly more in control of their bodily demands too. Their style is a bit inclining towards becoming connoiseurs of art forms; extending courtesies to Gods and Brahmins, just observing it, any non-religious person would also be inspired towards spirituality. The singers here, sing in their unwavering voices, strictly as per the scriptural teachings, they know their Vedas and Shastras well too. The rulers are devoid of any selfish expectations; nursing almost an aversion to enjoyment of the fruits of their prosperity; numerous are their disciples; if one observes from an intellectual and close perspective, these seem to be our greatest brothers in this country; however observing at a high level, they might seem a little uninteresting.

“The gardens and flowers and lotuses here, one cannot count. Seeing their bright appearance, one feels one should pray that they come to our own country. However, perceiving our land to be alien to theirs, even after our prayers, they do not agree to come.”

To be continued…