BRIHAD-MAHARASHTRA

Many have attributed one blame to Shahu and the Peshwas that they broke the cardinal rule set in place by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj not to award land-parcels as benefices to anybody in lieu of the services rendered, and created many renowned and powerful Jagirdars. This point has also been discussed previously as per the situation. These Jagirdars were born in the times of utmost calamity for the Marathi kingdom. Shahu and the Peshwas simply utilised them and engaged them in the future cause of the kingdom. There was hardly any other way in those times. Until the time there was a master who would keep these Jagirdars under his influence and would get the kingdom’s objectives accomplished through them, this policy proved successful. It is clear that the kingdom was destroyed when such a master was lacking. In all this, Shahu recognised that the general Maratha nature was somewhat selfish and quarrelsome, but utilised this inherent nature in the cause of the national enterprise. It is not difficult to guess what Shahu said to these Sardars when they came to meet him. He used to say, “You don’t have money, we too are the same. The region belongs to you. Gather forces. Keep moving around wherever is convenient for you. Set up your outposts. Build permanent mansions. Settle new towns and colonies. Begin industries-trade-moneylending businesses. Build temples. Take good care of the deities and Brahmins. Do not oppress or hate anybody. This way, even God will grace you. Your poverty will be alleviated. The nation’s fortune will turn. If you don’t have money take loans. Grow your enterprise and repay them back.”

Thus, Shahu showed his people this self-sufficient business which they could run without much capital investment. During his lifetime he achieved much success in it. After that, if the business went bankrupt, it cannot be blamed on Shahu. East India Company was established in England and began working here. Wasn’t its enterprise of the same nature! The Company stood up capital, established factories. Shahu’s Sardars took loans, gathered colleagues and assistants who would lay down their lives, accepted the path of adventure and faced difficulties, at times even sacrificing their own lives. Someone settled Nagpur, someone else set themselves at Dhar; someone copied the Peshwa’s Pune mansion at Indore, built temples at various places, established marketplaces, took all eighteen major castes of Maharashtra along with them from the Deccan to the north, and established new permanent cantonments in the north. Due to this, the Maratha Confederacy expanded quickly and Maratha history took shape. The later Brihan-Maharashtra movement had germinated in Shahu’s above enterprise. For five hundred long years, this land of Bharat had become hopeless and there was no saviour left for the Hindus. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj began the work of fighting with this adversity first, which was completed by Shahu. Hindus again began an energising period in their history. The ponies from the Bheemthadi (banks of the Bheema River, an indigenous horse breed belonging to the Deccan) drank the waters of the Panchagangas (five sacred rivers), and even at Attock. The credit for this period of fifty to seventy-five years becoming famous in history, goes to Shahu. Even East India Company took more time than this to settle itself down. The difference between the two examples was, Shahu cultivated everybody’s love and respect without holding any animosity towards anybody. We have read the atrocities that were committed by Nadir Shah or Clive. Shahu never allowed that tendency to misuse funds to take root in his kingdom. A Firman ordering ban on cow-slaughter was issued in the whole of Hindustan, Hindu religious places of pilgrimage were freed from Islamic control, moneylending agencies were created everywhere, cultural exchange quickened between the north and south India, and the life in Maharashtra became healthy and prosperous. In all this, even though bad things also made their way along with the good ones, it is as per the nature of all creation.

Many of the Brahmin families like Purandare, Hingne, Patankar, Dani etc. came forth to give sound company to the Marathas and participated in the cause of the nation. Their stories and legends are so abundant, that they have imparted their own excellent radiance to Shahu’s administration and Maratha history. Only one example truly personifies the growing brilliance of the Marathas. One small Purohit officiating rituals at the religious place of Nasik, Mahadevbhat Hingne, went to Delhi along with Balaji Vishwanath, managed the affairs of maintaining relations with the Mughal Empire there, and in a face-to-face meeting with the Vazir, faced the adventure of challenging him and laid down his life for the same. Due to the abominable murder of Bhaskarram in Bengal, the Marathas were able to establish their control over that province. Shahu’s overall administration and the memory of the structure of Shahunagar which still exists in people’s minds, is so full of stories and juicy tidbits, that they seem to be flowing in Maharashtra’s veins as blood.

To be continued…

THE POWER OF COURTESY

Ample correspondence involving the joys and sorrows in relation to various things is available. Shahu was very much interested in arranging marriages for his Sardars or servants and carrying them out himself. He was the one who proposed Nanasaheb Peshwa’s marriage with the daughter of the Raste family. “He arranged the marriage of his mansion resident Lingubai’s son with Kedarji Kesarkar’s daughter. He attended and celebrated the ceremony along with the usual imperial paraphernalia of horses and elephants.”

Many such incidents have been documented. He would acquire candles, incense, roses, knives, swords, tobacco, gunpowder etc. foreign goods through Kanhoji Angre. The ivory trade was flourishing. Shahu had a great interest in planting orange saplings and maintaining orchards of other fruits. There are many letters available containing matter like, “You take along twenty-thousand mango seeds every year for planting. Do submit an account of where all these seeds have been planted after preparing it through the local Patil. We have ordered mango orchards to be grown in the Pune province where they are lacking.”

Brahmendra Swami wrote about him, “That the Swami builds temples, wells, tanks, plants trees and bushes is indelibly famous. We are much satisfied about it.” This and other such reports make us aware about Shahu’s personal life.

The Shloka in Shahu’s seal expresses his general feeling about life and state.

वर्धिष्णुर्विक्रमो विष्णोः सामूर्तिरिव वामनी।

शंभुसूनोरसौ मुद्रा शिवराजस्य राजते॥

The deeper meaning of this sentence i.e. even the smallest human being, is a part of that Supreme Being (God), which was expressed in a large measure in his administration and behaviour. Whatever differences of opinion and misconceptions exist about his capability, but there is no doubt that Shahu was one of the greatest persons in the Maratha history. Again, there is no doubt, that the expansion of the Marathi kingdom occurred to a large extent because of his generous and selfless policy. However, amongst the general public as well as in students of history, many misunderstandings and misleading ideas abound in this respect. Some believe, that Shahu grew up in the Badshah’s luxurious lifestyle. Therefore, his nature became a bit sheepish and passive. Some others say, he did not understand politics at all, and he did not understand how to judge a man’s character. He gave unreasonable importance to the Konkanasth Brahmin family of the Peshwas and brought weakness over the kingdom. Instead of securing and perfectly managing the original Deccan stronghold, he accepted the huge program of the northern Hind and brought about destruction of the kingdom. Nizam continued to live in his neighbourhood, whom he could not finish-off. Thus, Shahu’s administration was disorderly. Countless such conjectures are prevalent about him. Such conjectures are mostly imaginary and they do not have any support in contemporary documents. Shahu and Sawai Jaisingh grew up together under Aurangzeb. Later, through letters and diplomats their communication continued until the end of their lives. During the period of decline of the Mughal Empire, these two rulers worked together and fulfilled their national responsibilities. They negotiated the path of the benefit of the nation by working together with the Badshah, his Umraos, other Rajput rulers, Bajirao and the Nizam. Considering this, it is evident, that they cultivated friendly relations between Hindus and Muslims, and founded their politics on the basis of a common ground between the two communities. Shahu spread his kingdom from Tanjore up to Delhi. This achievement was not possible for a sheepish or inactive person. Deep Singh had informed his opinion to the Nizam saying, “Shahu Raja is sound, wise, discerning, and acts with deliberation. Therefore, his kingdom runs smoothly.”

That assessment should be considered apt. One can see that because the Marathi kingdom was blessed with a magnanimous, strategic and sympathetic king like him after Aurangzeb’s death, the kingdom could flourish, expand, and the glorious history of today was created. It is necessary to bring in front of today’s readers, the nature and capability of such historical figures appropriately. Later in India, the path of non-violence was propounded much. Even from that perspective, one can say that Shahu followed the same path to an extent. A cruel assassination of his father, Aurangzeb’s captivity thereafter, the huge war he mounted, the terrible desolation the country fell into due to that war, and numerous calamities that had fallen upon Shahu himself, were experiences that very few have to face in their lives in this world. These experiences gave a completely new direction to his life afterwards. The moment he got the throne, mercy became the theme of his behaviour, and he was blessed with a deep sense of satisfaction at the end of his life.

The objectives for the Maratha kingdom and the ways to accomplish them were decided by Shahu in his long reign. His influence was visible on Maharashtra until the very end. He zeroed in on these objectives through his inherent inspiration and nature, and taught a lesson of courtesy to this nation. This objective was not limited to selfish interests, but was about cleansing one’s heart. His feelings were not tied in specificities of religion and his nature inclined towards respecting all religions equally. He gave this specific direction to the whole nation and kept it detached from cruel tendencies. Whatever wars and battles did occur, never acquired the cruel and violent nature like the contemporary or modern European wars. The examples of this non-violent nature of Shahu are evident in numerous instances. Shahu’s behaviour has also expressed the way he suppressed the emotions of vengeance and resistance.

To be continued…

CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC OPINION

There are many general references to Shahu Maharaj’s qualities and virtues in erstwhile documents. Some of them are provided below, “(Maharaj) graced and called everybody his own. He made them his own and kept them attached to the cause. Everybody felt that he graced them more than everybody else. He used the usual tools available to him including various appointments, assignments, land-parcels, Inam grants etc. If a person was found to be useful in a particular activity, but had some demerit, Maharaj had the good grace to tactfully cover-up for that demerit, and wean the person away from it. He would encourage them to express their good qualities, and allow them to grow. He took good care of everybody. He realised that this way, he had to make his kingdom rise, grow, and expand. He was conscious of the common perception that his father was blamed for hurting our own people, killing them, allowing the workshops and industries to degenerate, through these allowing the kingdom to be lost, and finally having committed the sin of killing Brahmins. Because of all this, he had an unwavering faith in various deities and Brahmin preceptors. He would always keep wise people around, would always listen to their tactics, intellectual advice, and would always act after discussing with them.

“(Maharaj) continued various Inams, worship-rights, arrangements for daily worships and offerings etc. for various deities and Brahmins. Wherever such arrangements were not made before, he made new ones. His servants and assistants began working with utmost loyalty, without dishonouring his orders even slightly. Whatever task he assigned to someone, and they proceeded to carry it out, they always achieved success in it. Whoever wanted to participate in the expansion of the kingdom, began working towards it this way.

“Many good and renowned people had left for foreign kingdoms previously due to the problematic situations they had faced. They were brought back into the Swarajya and were provided permanent benefices. Whenever the poor brought to him any grievances, he would make the palanquin stop while on march, or listen carefully to them when at court, and immediately issue the relevant resolution orders. If he had to issue instructions for the judicial arm, he would do so, and be ready to listen to their response. If he had to send some instructions to the Tehsil or district officials, he would ensure they were sent. He would ensure that whatever the reasonable resolution, was implemented without harming anybody else. He would never order any harsh punishments. If anybody deserved capital punishment, due to proven injustice, after detailed investigation and judgment, he would send the convict to Kanhoji Angre and whatever the punishment would be implemented by Angre.” In those times, the capital punishment would be implemented at the Colaba fort by pushing the convict down a cliff.

Nizam-ul-Mulk’s grandson Muzaffar Jung had uttered the following words for Shahu, “Like Nizam-ul-Mulk in the Mughal Empire, Shahu was an equivalent in the Maratha kingdom. Such men would never be born again. Shahu entrusted the whole kingdom to the Peshwa. He administered the kingdom perfectly. He was Ajatshatru (one without enemies).”

These words were uttered after his death, which proves that even Muslim rulers have considered him to be a person who treated everybody equally being true to the epaulet Ajatshatru.

“Since the time he made Satara as the place of his throne, he carried out all the state’s administrative activities through his servants in many campaigns and battles using huge armies. He was very clever in his planning. All his kingdom had been subsumed by the Mughal Empire, which he freed through his plans. He kept his flock together with his authority and created new renowned and powerful men, allowed them to grow. Whichever older men aligned with him, he allowed them to continue to enjoy their erstwhile positions and benefices. He used to act as per the advice imparted by wise and mature people. He used to get his work accomplished through trusted lieutenants. He would never keep company of mean, inebriated, addicted, alcoholic people, and ran his administration through his diplomats. He engaged the Marathas in soldierly responsibilities. He freed the northern realms and fulfilled the objective of the senior Maharaj. The boundaries of the kingdom extended to the east and south, met the four seas, the kingdom on all four sides began getting driven through a unified command structure.

“He decided that in the month of Shravan every year, he would examine the Brahmins in their acumen in Vedic Shastras and rituals, and initially at Talegaon through the Dabhades, and later at Pune, he would engage in charitable donations amounting to four to five lakh rupees. His fame spread everywhere, and lakhs of intellectuals, ascetics, great men would converge upon these places from all directions. Satara and Pune attained a status of a university almost like Kashi. He gave a sovereignty to the kingdom so that nobody would dare to disobey a straight order. He took good care of his subjects through judicious policy. He remained sympathetic towards the poor and orphans, and allayed their miseries. The subjects faced absolutely no trouble. Monsoons favoured the land as usual, which produced ample food-grains and abundance prevailed everywhere.”

To be continued…

SUCCESSOR IDENTIFIED

“Sambhajiraje does not have the capability to control the kingdom, and is not blessed with abundance of intellect. So, it is necessary to adopt an heir. Therefore, the child that Tarabai has brought up secretly needs to be investigated. If we adopt an heir from outside, there will be disputes later. Maharaj dispatched his trusted ministers and cavalrymen to Pangaon. Therefore, Govindrao was sent to Aaisaheb and everything was documented. Upon that, some additional notes were added in his (Maharaj’s) own handwriting. He called Bawda’s Bhagwantrao Amatya. He dispatched Yashwantrao Potnis and Govindrao Chitnis to take good care of Bhagwantrao. He was asked to confirm on oath near Shri Krishna. It was confirmed that the child was true-born. Upon this, Maharaj said, ‘Make this child the master after me, and act as per his orders to protect the kingdom.’ This news was relayed to Sakwarbai. Thinking that she would have to act as per Tarabai’s orders, Sakwarbai became very angry with Pradhan, Chitnis, Devrao and Yashwantrao. Numerous schemes began getting hatched at various places to capture, imprison or finish-off the chief stewards. Sakwarbai began stating that Tarabai’s grandson was fake, and Tarabai had erected a falsehood. She colluded with Yamajipant and amassed some forces, and engaged into the political move to install Sambhajiraje. She also ensnared the castellan and the fort soldiery to subdue Tarabai. She began thinking that Maharaj was extremely distressed due to all this, and of not allowing access to him for the stewards. Maharaj recognised the difficulty of the situation, called Pradhanpant for a one-to-one meeting in solitude, gave him the list of activities in his own handwriting, and with Govindrao as witness, gave him the written approval.” This description occurs in the Bakhar documents, which is also corroborated with the help of available documents.

Shahu had Tarabai record her statement before the Chitnis and he called Bhagwantrao, the son of Ramchandrapant Amatya of Kolhapur, to confirm the claim. Once Bhagwantrao had on oath repeated what Tarabai had said, Shahu believed him. However, the news leaked and Sakwarbai heard of it. This prompted Shahu and Tarabai to write to Bhagwantrao Amatya to take Ramraja to a village Lakhanpur and not to leave him with the caretaker Rajput family. For five years, the boy was looked after by the Amatya. Later, he was taken to Pangaon and left with the Rajput’s family. His elder daughter Daryabai Nimbalkar looked after him.

The prospect of Tarabai’s grandson as a successor was not easily accepted by Sakwarbai, and she claimed the boy was a fake. She felt it would mean being subservient to Tarabai in the days to come and began mobilising men to her cause. She called Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Mutalik (representative) to the Pratinidhi, who concurred with her that the boy was not the real heir. According to the Bakhar, Sakwarbai authorised Yamaji to arrange for the Peshwa’s assassination, as she saw him as the main obstacle in her scheme of things. Yamaji hired an assassin but felt Govindrao Chitnis should be the victim, owing to his proximity to the king. The attempt on Govindrao failed. In fact, Govindrao, who heard of the plot, plunged his own sword into his would-be assassin.

The growing antagonism between Sakwarbai and the Chitnis as well as the Peshwa was, however, to prove fatal to her future plans. Shahu had sent out his trusted men to search for the boy. However, Sakwarbai would not allow the boy to be brought before Shahu, and during the king’s lifetime, he was not. Sakwarbai also urged Sambhaji II of Kolhapur to come to Satara with a large army to force the issue. However, Shahu stopped him saying that it would not be prudent to do so.

By August 1749, Shahu was ready to make his final arrangements. He summoned Raghuji Bhosale, however, he could not come. Babuji Naik tried to meet Shahu but Maharaj prohibited him from coming to his presence. Fatehsingh expressed his inability to undertake the responsibility of managing such a large kingdom. Shahu then commanded the Peshwa to arrive at Satara with a large army to maintain order. Nanasaheb was alert. Upon Maharaj’s orders, he gathered a huge army and leaving Pune he went to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar, Janardanbaba etc. Sardars on 21 August 1749 (mentioned as September 1749 at some places). He returned to Pune only after Shahu’s death, his last rites, and Ramraja’s installation to the throne in the month of April 1750.

To be continued…

BABUJI NAIK MEETS NIZAM

The situation at Shahu’s court was as mentioned before. The Angre brothers had been engaging in whatever they wished like in the Konkan. Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II and Queen Jijabai II had taken help from Murarrao Ghorpade, and had readied themselves up to pounce upon Satara. Murarrao was desirous of acquiring the office of the Senapati with Shahu. Raghuji Bhosale was also extremely shrewd. If the situation arose, he was desirous of acquiring the office of the Chhatrapati for his son. Shinde and Holkar had brought over them a new risky proposition by intervening in the Rajput war in the north. Nizam-ul-Mulk and his sons had been keeping busy in the enterprise to keep an eye out for the Maratha side to fall weak, and when they could take advantage of the same. Shahu himself had to lie down in his bed, and hearing all the news report from various places, would get frightened to the core. The worry that the Peshwa should not move away from him even for an hour, if he went away, he would not survive, would not allow him to stay calm.

So many people had begun requesting Shahu about the Carnatic, that he fell into complete consternation in resolving their disputes. The Peshwa began a project through his secret plan to flatly deny anybody else any benefit from the Carnatic. Since both the queens insisted for their own candidates, the affair became further complicated. Babuji Naik had not given up his quest for a foothold in the Carnatic, went on a protest fast, and generated sympathy for himself in Shahu’s heart. Since all of them complained against the Peshwa, Shahu too opposed him.

Towards the end of 1745, Babuji Naik embarked on the second campaign to the Carnatic with Maharaj’s permission. From December 1745 onwards, the Nizam began getting news about the progress of this army. He sent some of his lieutenants to face the challenge, and the early months of 1746 were spent in this manner. To arrest Naik’s advance, the Nizam dispatched his forces towards the Carnatic under his son Naseer Jung. By the end of February 1746, Babuji began seeking help to face the Nizam’s armies marching against him. Naik established friendship with the Pratinidhi and secured his help. The Peshwa’s assistants Nago Ram stayed at Aurangabad, Raghunath Ganesh stayed with the Nizam’s army campaign, and kept trying to foil Naik’s activities. After the onset of the monsoon, a meeting was arranged between Babuji and the Nizam. Naik met the Nizam and demanded the control over Arcot, which had not been handed over before.

In the month of April 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “We and the whole army remained at home in the current year. Constantly faced the creditors. If we thought of taking out a fresh loan, nobody had the money. So, collect the annual revenues and quickly dispatch some money. You are already aware of the overall status of things here. About reports at court, it is only the first day today. Sambhajiraje has got stuck on the issue of Babuji Naik. So, Rajashree Swami ordered us to stand guarantor. We have accepted it. Sambhajiraje was given leave to depart on 20 August 1746. He was given two elephants, five horses, one sword, and four protocol garments. He will march-off in one or two days.”

A Marathi letter of July 1746 from Nago Ram to the Peshwa’s cousin Sadashivrao Bhau shows the state Babuji was in at that time, “Babuji and Aabaji (his brother) met the Nizam and said that they had not received the Chauth of Arcot and asked for at least a lakh of rupees. They also asked the Nizam to grant a Jagir and they will render service in lieu of it.  They also asked for the income from the Carnatic for the following year, in advance.

“Then the Nawab replied that the Arcot amount will be paid there itself. He said that he will give orders for other payments, however, they too will be paid at those places. And how could he pay the amount due for next year from the Carnatic? The Nizam told them to go to Satara and obtain entitlements, then he will do the needful. ‘You have many enemies at Satara’, he told them. in this manner, he spoke sweet words. Babuji was extremely disappointed. On return to his camp he thought he will severely remonstrate and obtain something from the Nizam. He thought he will perform same kind of Dharna he performed at Pune and Satara. Then, a few counselled him saying, you will only make a spectacle of yourself. He is extremely stressed due to lack of funds. He is unable to get any loans. He sold some utensils to raise money. He is giving bonds to his debtors on the income of Arcot. The income is just over three lakhs, but he has already issued bonds of over six. In this manner, he spends his days.”

On the way back, Babuji looted some Parganas of Chhatrapati Sambhaji II of Kolhapur, and this was the reason in 1746 that Sambhajiraje had come to Satara seeking compensation. The Peshwa, who was in Satara, was asked to resolve Sambhaji II’s complaint against Babuji. Sambhaji II stayed at Satara for five to six months. In that period, Sambhaji II came to know about the discussions taking place there with respect to the future setup, and the investigations for an heir in Ramraja. In this relation, since the secret agreement between Sambhaji II and the Peshwa had still held, due to which Sambhaji II and Jijabai were carefree. In many of the letters they wrote to the Peshwa in the next ten years, they seem to have reminded him of this same agreement. Queen Sakwarbai already favoured Sambhaji II. At that time nobody much anticipated that Tarabai would prop-up Ramraja in a completely unexpected move. But in due course of time, due to this introduction of Ramraja the other claimants fell behind. At the time of Shahu’s death too, while Sakwarbai was committing Sati, she instructed everyone passionately to install Sambhaji II on the throne, and not bring about a completely foolhardy appointment.

To be continued…

OUR POWER ENDS

Maharaj invited the Pradhanpant, got him to issue village assignments for both the queens, to carefully investigate all their expenses, to create a detailed list of activities that were to be declared prohibited for them (including no complaints to be submitted to the queens, no Watan-rights to be bought from them, no revenue control to be dispatched anywhere by them, none of the two mansions (queens) to intervene in the state’s administration etc.), put in place rules to this effect through the Pradhan, and issued strict warnings for adhering to those to both. He got both of them to agree to this set up. He put in place a routine that he would take food one day with each of them. Shahu, in a seminal letter, got this list prepared in 1745, and laid them down as rules that the two queens ought to follow, which was as follows,

1. “Both the mansions (queens) should not indulge in imparting justice.
2. Whatever the Swami wishes to present as gifts, cash, villages, Pargana, land etc. should be given to both equally.
3. Whatever benefices both of them have acquired, whether within the Swarajya or in external realms, should be relinquished.
4. They should not engage in any cash dealings with respect to villages, towns, Parganas, controlled by district officials, controlled by revenue officials, controlled by the Maharaj himself, within the Swarajya, in external realms etc.
5. They should not hold any benefices with respect to villages and towns, Parganas, or land.
6. They should not acquire any kind of Watan-rights like the office of Deshmukh, Patil etc. from anybody.
7. Whoever wishes to present any gift offerings, villages, towns, to the queens, they should present equally to both.
8. The affairs of Peth Shahunagar should not be interfered with.
9. Whoever has any kind of debt, if the creditors come complaining, they should not pay attention to the matter.
10. They should not assume the revenue control at various places, custom duties, or Parganas.

“It has been agreed that if both of them accept the above-mentioned clauses, the Swami would remain satisfied. Things should be executed this way.

“Shrimant Sagunabaisaheb has been granted the benefice listed in the current year. Except for Pune and Junnar province, in the provinces of Khandesh, Gangathadi (bank of Godavari) etc., rupees ten thousand, annuity of maximum fifteen thousand should be paid. In lieu of the revenue income and Sardeshmukhi the annuity villages should be assigned.”

Shahu was completely engrossed in resolving his domestic disputes and repaying his debts, and had no inclination to let the Peshwa go. The two queens were influencing Shahu to give the Carnatic affair to their own favourites. Various Sardars worked through the queens to influence Maharaj. This created difficulties in the administration.

One of the letters funnily describes the way Shahu was pulled on both sides in these disputes amongst his wives. After May 1746 (possibly 2 August 1746), Mahadoba Purandare wrote to Nanasaheb and Sadashivrao about the great difficulties Shahu faced in resolving matters between the two queens, “The king has pain in the body from the third quartile of the day onwards and has been treated with application of Bibba (marking nut or phobi nut) yet the disputes between the two Wadas do not stop. When the Swami hears of them, he trembles with fear and says, ‘May God give me an early death.’ His Highness neglects his health. This is inappropriate. The queens don’t realise that they should understand what Maharaj desires, and act accordingly, and Saheb does not listen to anyone. Govindrao and Yashwantrao Mahadev Potnis spoke about it to His Highness, but he did not answer. From time to time he says, ‘What purpose does my life serve!’ Last Wednesday, Nagojirao Keshavrao was at the court. Ragho Ram’s men put to death a certain debtor named Shenvi for the repayment. His Highness heard the case and then he observed, ‘If this same dispute had been adjudicated at the Devdi (doorway of the mansions), and Appaji Raghunath was taken there and killed-off, then how would it feel? Nobody should rely on my power anymore. It is useless to count on my support or my power. Our power ends. The authority now lies in the two mansions. The two Ranis are now supreme. I have no power to stop them from doing anything they want to do. Whatever they do, I cannot deny. A dispute has been presented between the Kasars (brazier, utensils and bangle-sellers) and Paraals (grass-cutter). The grocers have all gone on strike and we cannot dissuade them. When the grocers leave the town perhaps the Ranis will give way. But I cannot debate with women. I do not wish to get mixed up in the quarrels of the two shrews. We wanted to see Gajrabai (Shahu’s daughter) live happily with her husband. But to keep the elder queen satisfied, did we not issue a strict warning to the son-in-law’s mansion! From this, her behaviour towards others may be judged. Even after that you are seeing all. To top it, many people have begun speaking that I cannot do anything.’

“These were His Highness’ words. In short, His Highness is powerless against his Ranis. Whatever they say, he says fine. This has become the norm. Such is the state of things here. For the last three or four days the moneylenders are visiting the palace. Both the queens in the past three days have begun making rounds of the Gosavis and moneylenders. ‘We are bankrupt,’ they shout, ‘We want money.’ His Highness fears that if they sit in Dharna (protest), he will be at his wits’ end. Both the Ranis keep talking about the king’s debts and his moneylenders. The signs are bleak. Bad times are coming. We must implement whatever solution would work on which mansion, wait and see how the Ranis’ quarrels end.”

To the Peshwa Maharaj said, “I have huge debts to pay. Without you who will pay them?”

The Peshwa himself wrote in 1746, “Rajashree Swami is frustrated due to the bickering between the two royal mansions (queens), and the constant nagging due to his debts. He keeps witnessing his own personal wealth sometimes sinking, sometimes being saved. Constant annoyance. Both the mansions do not fear him. Due to the marriage, and marital activities in both the mansions, the expenses of the Swami have especially increased. The debts have multiplied. He said, who else would repay his debts except for us. We are his Sardar.”

While the Carnatic was in a churn, the domestic squabbles in the king’s household drew in the Peshwa, as they began to affect the administration. Shahu called him to Satara and in 1746, the Peshwa was unable to go on a campaign. While resolving the king’s domestic and administrative squabbles, his attention was in Bundelkhand, where Jayappa Shinde and Malharrao Holkar were campaigning.

While these issues in the north awaited resolution, the Peshwa was still unable to obtain leave from Satara.

To be continued…

DOMESTIC ISSUES

Having secured Gujarat, Malwa, and Bundelkhand from the Mughal Badshah, and having mended relations with Raghuji Bhosale, Nanasaheb now looked to the south. The year 1746, was mostly spent by Nanasaheb at Satara. He described the whole situation there to Ramchandrababa on 21 October 1746 as follows, “We have written about the happenings at court to the Sardars, from which you will understand. The reason for us being held up at court till today is, Rajashree Swami’s government has become debt-ridden. The expenses of the queens are limitless, the situation being rendered like a pauper always. Therefore, Rajashree has issued strict instructions to all his stewards about tightening the strings.

“Rajashree Swami is busy in household affairs. He himself should give us leave to embark on campaign. But he remains busy in his own things. When we think of requesting to grant us the permission to leave, he would get upset. So, we have not discussed with him till today. The thing has been left neglected like this. We are also thinking of leaving from here. Looking for the right opportunity and the Swami’s mental state, we will request the same. But we don’t feel like this year we will be able to visit (north). We don’t even know how many more days it will take to secure the permission to leave. After getting this permission and returning to Pune, we will need to take care of some administrative affairs in Konkan.”

Shripatrao Pratinidhi, a close friend and confidante of Shahu, passed away on 25 November 1746. Shahu was especially fond of him. Losing his very old and especially close colleague caused Shahu extreme grief. He began feeling that he was also at the end of his days. Pratinidhi’s wife Radhabai was a devoted wife and committed Sati. Shripatrao was childless. So, Shahu gave the office of the Pratinidhi to his younger brother Jagjivanrao alias Dadoba on 17 December 1746. Yamaji Shivdeo was appointed as his Mutalik (representative). This Yamaji Shivdeo became a staunch opponent of the Peshwa.

Naro Ram Mantri too died after Shahu in 1750. Thus, even while Nanasaheb wished to go to Malwa and Bundelkhand, due to Shahu’s failing health, he was stuck at Satara. Shahu had remained worried that if Nanasaheb left, what would happen with him in Nanasaheb’s absence. In the face of the burden of debt and the issues of his queens, Nanasaheb was his only support. Shahu was completely convinced at that time, that at least Nana was capable of surviving through each and every type of situation, and he did not have a single person equalling Nana. Two months after the above letter, Nanasaheb wrote another letter to Ramchandrababa, “We have already written about the courtly affairs and about Rajashree Shripatrao’s death. Both the mansions have acquired great power. How extensively should one write about that! We are pushing things ahead with whatever tact we can think of. Sometimes we also have to just listen. Sometimes we have to just say yes. Things are moving in this direction here.”

Both of Shahu’s queens would act within the remit drawn up for them by Birubai. The eldest queen Sakwarbai was of a fierce nature. The two queens also had their own favourites among the Sardars– Raghuji was the favourite of the younger Sagunabai and Babuji Naik was favoured by the elder Sakwarbai. The queens’ considerable influence on Shahu decided on the award of Mokasas (territories to the Sardars to sustain their armies). Sakwarbai started getting Maharaj grant her various benefices and assignments and began managing them. Younger queen Sagunabai also then granted benefices and assignments. She would act as per Maharaj’s orders and would take care of his satisfaction. The elder queen was of delicate health. They began to insist upon being treated equally. Whatever was granted to one, that was being demanded in equal measure by the other. The Peshwa’s Mutalik in Satara, Mahadoba Purandare, often counselled the Peshwa about the way the wind was blowing and tried to put his case before Maharaj to the best of his ability. Shahu himself was quite unable to get the queens to stay out of his administration.

Various complainants and applicants from the city began trying to use the influence of these queens. They began depositing the revenue collections from towns etc. with whoever they were aligned with. They began buying Watan rights from the queens. This caused great consternation for Maharaj.

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…

SHAHU INVESTIGATES

On 7 March 1747, Raghunathrao wrote to Sadashivrao from Satara, “Yesterday evening, Nana and we all went to court. Nana presented Maharaj with garments. After that, we went to Bai, where again we presented garments. The next day, we went to court in the last two hours of the day. Upon that Nana was presented with protocol garments. An order to leave me behind here was issued. Upon that, we went to Fatehsinghbaba’s camp. Returning back home, I thought of going for a hunt, when I noticed Rajashree himself walking in front of my tent. I ran up to him and requested him to come to my tent. Nana again presented some garments and gemstones. Later, I went on the hunt. Pratinidhi too marched-off today. There is news that Nana would march-off tomorrow. After that I will go to seek a meeting with Rajashree.”

From this, it is clear that Shahu’s anger with Nanasaheb was allayed. Nanasaheb wrote another letter to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 15 April 1747 as follows, “Rajashree Swami had not given us leave to depart. For that, he ordered us to return back. After that he came to our tent in the camp and gave us protocol garments. The next day, Sunday, 12 April 1747, Rajashree Swami gave us an elephant. He ought to give us some kind of benefice for the campaign expenses. The rest of the arrangements were kept verbal and we were, however, given leave to depart. You too come now taking the usual stops. You will understand the whole situation when we meet. Later when we get to discuss in detail our thoughts, we would grant you leave to depart as well. So, do come quickly. You come to Khatav. Through God’s grace everything has turned out fine. What more to write!”

This confirms that Shahu’s anger with Nanasaheb had subsided. Nanasaheb had perfectly gauged Shahu’s enthusiasm, he quickly acquired some amount of unrestrained status, and on the basis of this newly acquired power, he began resolving one affair after another.

Shahu began loving Nanasaheb even more than earlier. Shahu thought the Peshwa was his only support, entrusted to him all responsibilities and the burden of state’s administration, performed the task of assigning all the kingdom’s responsibilities to his successors with a calm heart before his death, and never again paid any attention to the Peshwa’s detractors.

Meanwhile, Shahu’s confidante, a person named Shetyaji Malik Sankpal, met Maharaj and confidentially gave him information about the Peshwa. His opponents tried to deal a frontal blow, which did not succeed. This attack and its solution are documented in the following letter. A letter of 1747 from Mahadoba Purandare to Nanasaheb and Bhau gives the proceedings in Shahu’s court when Shetyaji met Maharaj. The conversation is repeated in the letter. “Submitting this request at revered fatherly Nana and Rajashree Bhau Swami’s service. Sheti Malik has come here from the Swami’s side, and we have received the letter sent along with him. He met Maharaj, related the Swami’s news report in detail to Rajashree, who heard him out. As there were too many people at court, Maharaj took Sheti to a side and spoke to him (about you). Sheti himself told me the entire story. This report too was related to us by Rajashree Govindrao, that Maharaj asked Sheti to come aside and report Nana’s detailed news. Sheti said the Peshwa is fine and performs all his duties as before. He has maintained his own security around himself. The Maharaj had heard rumours that the Peshwa chopped off hands of Brahmins, kept several mistresses, consumes alcohol, and remains in an inebriated state – to which Sheti said that he investigated the complaints carefully and found it all untrue. Nana is extremely alert and cautious. Then Maharaj said, ‘So the wicked people are dishonest. All false. Nana is quite well then?’ Sheti assured Maharaj that he is quite well. Then Maharaj said, ‘If that is the case, it is good. If Nana is healthy, then all is well. If Nana was happy in his heart, then it was enough. I don’t listen to the people. What you say is true. Nana is an enemy of twelve scheming bad men. He is my true and most loyal and renowned servant. If he was fine, that should be it.’ Then Sheti gave your letter to Rajashree, and he read it. The whole question and answer session went very happily. Now Maharaj understood. In case I find out what is discussed by Rajashree in the court and with the queens, I will inform you in one or two days.”

On 13 April 1747, after the Gudhi-Padwa (first day of the Hindu new year), he bade farewell, left Satara, went to Pandharpur, and arrived at Jejuri on 9 May 1747. He met the victorious Sadashivrao Bhau at Jejuri, who had returned from the Carnatic. Later both of them arrived at Pune together on 24 May 1747. With sufficient funds received as tribute from the feudal chiefs in the region, Nanasaheb must have made some kind of arrangements for Shahu’s debts. Because hereafter there is no reference of Shahu’s debts in the erstwhile documents. In the month of June 1747, the Peshwa celebrated the Tuladan (weighing charitable donations) at Theoor, sought blessings of Lord Ganesha at Siddhatek in the month of September 1747, met Janoji Nimbalkar on his way, and returned to Pune. After spending the monsoon at Pune, on 25 October 1747, he granted the office of the Dewan of Pune Suba to Naro Appaji Tulshibaugwale and bade farewell to Shinde and Holkar who had arrived in the Deccan, to return to the north. Briefing Jayappa Shinde and Holkar about the plans ahead, he finally moved for his fourth campaign to the north in December 1747. After this, since 10 December 1747 up to 9 July 1748, he went on a campaign to the north Hindustan. This is famous as Newai campaign.

To be continued…

NANASAHEB’S REQUEST

This story of Nanasaheb’s removal does not seem only to be a legend, and there are evidences available proving it true to some degree. However, the affair dragged on longer than a few days; in fact, it was perhaps months.

Sometime in late 1746 or early 1747, the machinations against Nanasaheb reached fever pitch and Shahu refused to allow him to come to his court. Effectively, the Peshwa’s powers were taken away. The logical expectation of his detractors was that the Peshwa would rebel and be exposed for being disloyal to Maharaj. The Peshwa, however, played his cards with care.

A letter by Nanasaheb to Govindrao Chitnis sometime in early 1747 after Sadashivrao left for the Carnatic reveals how the situation actually was. Nanasaheb was disturbed at not being granted an audience by Maharaj. He, therefore, requested Govindrao to convey five points on his behalf to the Chhatrapati. The letter supports the narrative of the Bakhar to a large extent, “Many blessings. You wrote that I could not meet Rajashree Swami in the night, so, you can’t be faulted for God’s will. Hereafter, try and seek a meeting in the afternoon and submit the following requests –

1. I have tried hard to resolve all the issues in both the mansions. However, I can hardly do anything if a new one emerges daily. Again, that is still not an issue. I will resolve them. Presently, there are no issues remaining amongst the mansions. They could have agreed something verbally, which we will take care. About the Maharaj’s debts, whatever the Maharaj decides and orders, I will execute. I will not make excuses that I could not do it as I did not go out (on a campaign). However, the order ought to be something I can fulfil. In every strategy in war, there is a period approaching the climax. So, this servant should be ordered accordingly after consulting both the mansions. Maharaj should grace us by doing so in one or two days.
2. If the order is that I should not go anywhere until I have managed to repay the debts owed by the Maharaj, I will not go to Pune. I will go to Pune and Vasai only when Maharaj orders. The strategy for the campaign (in Vasai) has to be executed in the next fifteen days. If the master does not resolve the dispute within this time, the strategy will turn sour. So, please postpone the present situation for a month or two. Later, the Maharaj can summon me again.
3. If Maharaj is suspicious because of rumours amongst the public, that I plan to campaign against the Naik, this can be removed. Whichever district is awarded to the Naik by Maharaj, he can go there. No quarrel will be started without an express order from the Maharaj.
4. Chiranjeev Bhau has gone there (Carnatic). If Nawab (Nizam) too goes there, then the threat we have posed to Goa will lessen. Many other miscellaneous issues will be left hanging. This will spoil our reputation. The Maharaj should allow us to generate the revenue to be deposited in the government. Should everything be done so that I sustain a loss? At least permit me to go two stages from here towards the place where the campaign currently is. I will send the entire army with Pilaji to Chiranjeev and return here at service.
5. News has spread amongst the subjects that the Maharaj has relieved me (of my office). The matter will reach the Nawab’s ears too. That I am in your bad books, and then you reappoint me, may also reach the public ear. Whichever people don’t know they will also get this news.

If, after appealing to the Maharaj with such transparency, he does not change his mind, I will say that the Lord is displeased with this kingdom. I will then abandon all fear of loss of reputation and sit quietly. Please ensure the entire request is placed before Maharaj and get an answer back.”

This letter throws light upon the meeting between Nanasaheb and Shahu and the contemporary conspiracies. This has a reference to Sadashivrao Bhau leaving for the Carnatic. From the month of December 1746 to May 1747, Sadashivrao Bhau was in the Carnatic. Of course, this letter proves beyond debate that Nanasaheb falling out of favour was observed in the initial two to three months of 1747.

To be continued…