SHAHU MAHARAJ’S DEATH

At his end, the queen Sakwarbai took Maharaj from the Vanwaswadi to his royal mansion. She installed her own security on the palace and outside. She made various Brahmins sit in ritual worship at various places. She began toying with the ideas like nobody should be allowed to enter the royal mansion to meet Maharaj without her permission, Pradhan and Chitnis should be quickly dispensed with. The Peshwa took precaution regarding this, and decided to bring the child of Pangaon as per Maharaj’s orders. When the queen began insisting with the Maharaj trying to force his hand, Maharaj said to her, that her plans would not succeed without a strong army. Both parties began amassing their forces. Govindrao alone personally visited the houses of the Pratinidhi, Senapati, Sarlashkar, Akkalkot’s principal, Bimbaji Bhosale, Raghuji and Mudhoji Bhosale, etc.; sat with each of them for quartiles upon quartiles, days on end, and informed them the orders of Maharaj, checking whether anybody was desirous of taking the responsibility of running the kingdom. But none of them accepted the responsibility. Bai tried very hard to entice Govindrao to her party. She issued grant-notification conferring upon him various Inams. But he would not listen. So then, she planned to eliminate him. In that, due to a mistake, one of his assistants Tulaji was killed. Bai invited Sambhajiraje along with his armies from Kolhapur. But Maharaj sent Bapuji Khanderao to him, and informed him that he should not intervene in this matter, due to which he returned.

Shahu communicated his decision that Tarabai’s grandson Ramraja should be brought and crowned as the next king. On 1 October 1749, the king made two lists addressed to the Peshwa. These lists seem to be written around the occasion of Vijayadashmi, in the Navaratri festival. In these two lists, the king wrote,

“List 1 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. You must take command of the entire force. I ordered everyone else to do this, but it is not their destiny. Maharaj is ill and does not appear will get better. The Government must carry on. Our dynasty should be placed on the throne. Do not place the one from Kolhapur. We have informed Chitnis everything, act according to that. The successor from my dynasty should be obeyed and the Confederacy properly run. Chitnis is the Swami’s trusted confidante. With mutual consultations, preserve the kingdom. My successor will not interfere with you. Rest, you are wise enough.

“List 2 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. The Swami is confident that you will run the state’s administration. I had already thought so, but the Chitnis made my faith unshakeable. I have placed my hand on your head. My successor will continue your appointment as Pradhan. We bind them in pledge if they ever waver from this path. Run the kingdom by his orders. Preserve the kingdom. What more to write! You are wise enough.”

These two lists were like the grant notifications issued by Shahu to the Peshwa detailing the authority of the executive office of the Maratha Confederacy. Although the original letters do not have the royal seal, they are entirely in Shahu’s own handwriting, and the king’s intention is quite clear. The Peshwa was given the responsibility of looking after the kingdom with Ramraja as the king, who would not remove him from his post.

The orders within these lists for the Peshwa are clear enough. He should bring his army and secure the region. As informed to the Chitnis, the Peshwa should bring in a new master, and he himself should manage the whole administration. He should not bring in Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II. Whatever were doubts in Maharaj’s mind about the Peshwa, was driven away by the Chitnis. So, Shahu blessed him and ordered him to honestly run the administration. He followed it. At the end, Shahu warned the Peshwa, “’We have issued various charitable endowments for different deities, Brahmins, have assigned them the authority of first worship, have set up various charities, have awarded many benefices, Jagirs, villages, and land-parcels for their service, to various people like our own brethren, those born in the same Gotra, various other Kunbi Marathas etc., and even people from other castes, which you should respect after us. You should not block anybody. If you disturb the awards committed to by us, and oppress people who had been respected by us, then the office of the Peshwa would not remain with you permanently.’ Informing everybody thus, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj applied ritual ash on his arms and sides, wore the garland of Rudraksh beads, lay down a white blanket over a bed of straw, chanted Lord Shriram’s name and the words ‘Shiva Har Har’ eleven times, stopped his breath, and went to his heavenly abode, on the above-mentioned date, in the royal mansion, at Satara.”

This overall event proves that Shahu finalised whatever he felt was the best possible arrangement in relation to the future system, and then laid down his life. He suspected that Sakwarbai etc. people would begin a dispute at the end. Therefore, he decided that Ramraja should be brought to the throne after him. Otherwise, at the time of his death, the capital would have been torn between two warring factions. The Peshwa desired to remove the dissension between the two halves of the kingdom by bringing Sambhaji II to the throne. It did not succeed due to the above arrangement. In all this, Tarabai tactfully succeeded in her plan. It turned out to be harmful for the kingdom later. Sambhaji II’s capability was also not much to write home about. So, one cannot say that his prowess would have shined brighter than that of Ramraja. The Peshwa did not think twice before satisfying Tarabai as well. It was not as if the Peshwa intentionally brought an incapable person on the throne and captured all the power for himself. It was clear that the benefit of the kingdom and the Peshwa himself lay in having a capable person as the master. Chitnis and the Peshwa worked together and protected the kingdom. Sakwarbai had begun troubling Chitnis, but the Peshwa supported him through that. Shahu had thought about adopting Raghuji’s son Mudhoji. He was Queen Sagunabai’s cousin’s son. His character was revealed later in the history of Nagpur. It shows clearly that he too did not have the capability to take care of the Marathi kingdom. This way, Shahu’s reign came to an end and a new revolution was brought in the Maratha Empire.

To be continued…

SUCCESSOR IDENTIFIED

“Sambhajiraje does not have the capability to control the kingdom, and is not blessed with abundance of intellect. So, it is necessary to adopt an heir. Therefore, the child that Tarabai has brought up secretly needs to be investigated. If we adopt an heir from outside, there will be disputes later. Maharaj dispatched his trusted ministers and cavalrymen to Pangaon. Therefore, Govindrao was sent to Aaisaheb and everything was documented. Upon that, some additional notes were added in his (Maharaj’s) own handwriting. He called Bawda’s Bhagwantrao Amatya. He dispatched Yashwantrao Potnis and Govindrao Chitnis to take good care of Bhagwantrao. He was asked to confirm on oath near Shri Krishna. It was confirmed that the child was true-born. Upon this, Maharaj said, ‘Make this child the master after me, and act as per his orders to protect the kingdom.’ This news was relayed to Sakwarbai. Thinking that she would have to act as per Tarabai’s orders, Sakwarbai became very angry with Pradhan, Chitnis, Devrao and Yashwantrao. Numerous schemes began getting hatched at various places to capture, imprison or finish-off the chief stewards. Sakwarbai began stating that Tarabai’s grandson was fake, and Tarabai had erected a falsehood. She colluded with Yamajipant and amassed some forces, and engaged into the political move to install Sambhajiraje. She also ensnared the castellan and the fort soldiery to subdue Tarabai. She began thinking that Maharaj was extremely distressed due to all this, and of not allowing access to him for the stewards. Maharaj recognised the difficulty of the situation, called Pradhanpant for a one-to-one meeting in solitude, gave him the list of activities in his own handwriting, and with Govindrao as witness, gave him the written approval.” This description occurs in the Bakhar documents, which is also corroborated with the help of available documents.

Shahu had Tarabai record her statement before the Chitnis and he called Bhagwantrao, the son of Ramchandrapant Amatya of Kolhapur, to confirm the claim. Once Bhagwantrao had on oath repeated what Tarabai had said, Shahu believed him. However, the news leaked and Sakwarbai heard of it. This prompted Shahu and Tarabai to write to Bhagwantrao Amatya to take Ramraja to a village Lakhanpur and not to leave him with the caretaker Rajput family. For five years, the boy was looked after by the Amatya. Later, he was taken to Pangaon and left with the Rajput’s family. His elder daughter Daryabai Nimbalkar looked after him.

The prospect of Tarabai’s grandson as a successor was not easily accepted by Sakwarbai, and she claimed the boy was a fake. She felt it would mean being subservient to Tarabai in the days to come and began mobilising men to her cause. She called Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Mutalik (representative) to the Pratinidhi, who concurred with her that the boy was not the real heir. According to the Bakhar, Sakwarbai authorised Yamaji to arrange for the Peshwa’s assassination, as she saw him as the main obstacle in her scheme of things. Yamaji hired an assassin but felt Govindrao Chitnis should be the victim, owing to his proximity to the king. The attempt on Govindrao failed. In fact, Govindrao, who heard of the plot, plunged his own sword into his would-be assassin.

The growing antagonism between Sakwarbai and the Chitnis as well as the Peshwa was, however, to prove fatal to her future plans. Shahu had sent out his trusted men to search for the boy. However, Sakwarbai would not allow the boy to be brought before Shahu, and during the king’s lifetime, he was not. Sakwarbai also urged Sambhaji II of Kolhapur to come to Satara with a large army to force the issue. However, Shahu stopped him saying that it would not be prudent to do so.

By August 1749, Shahu was ready to make his final arrangements. He summoned Raghuji Bhosale, however, he could not come. Babuji Naik tried to meet Shahu but Maharaj prohibited him from coming to his presence. Fatehsingh expressed his inability to undertake the responsibility of managing such a large kingdom. Shahu then commanded the Peshwa to arrive at Satara with a large army to maintain order. Nanasaheb was alert. Upon Maharaj’s orders, he gathered a huge army and leaving Pune he went to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar, Janardanbaba etc. Sardars on 21 August 1749 (mentioned as September 1749 at some places). He returned to Pune only after Shahu’s death, his last rites, and Ramraja’s installation to the throne in the month of April 1750.

To be continued…

SHAHU’S SELF-IMPOSED EXILE

Jijabai II tried engaging with Sadashivrao Bhau, displaying affection towards him, tried get the throne at Satara for Sambhaji II to after Shahu, or at least getting Sadashivrao Bhau to accept the office of the Pradhan at Kolhapur so that a unified command and control structure prevailed all over the kingdom. In 1748, she wrote to Sadashivrao, “In reference to the previous context, we have sent Dadambhat Shrotri to you. To ensure that your prowess is visible without delay, your fame is displayed excellently, and you become the recipient of deserved success, we have prepared the ground since last year. In relation to the duties of Swarajya, our discussions have taken place before. We have provided lists of agreements. According to that, you should urgently inform Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan to come for a meeting with Saheb, and act on the plan for the benefit of the kingdom. Saheb is just a mediator, he is fully confident that your loyalty is unwavering. What agreement has Saheb entered into with you; how he has made use of the above-mentioned Pandit’s lap as his pillows; think well about all these things, and urgently act upon the planned task.”

Later, when Raghuji left and went to Bengal, Shahu urgently called Raghuji back to Satara in the month of October 1749, which occurred two months before his death. His letter said, “You secure your region and come here. We only trust you.”

But Raghuji was unwavering in his resolve, “I have already entered into a friendship with the Peshwa on oath. I will not betray that word. I will act as per the Peshwa’s orders.”

After that, in the month of November 1749, the animus between the Pradhanpant and Sakwarbai went on increasing. Sakwarbai urgently called Sambhaji II to Satara. To that Sambhaji II replied, “If we thought about taking Sakwarbai’s side after going to Satara, the friendship with Pantapradhan goes sour. He is the most influential in the kingdom. So, I won’t go for now. If it comes to worst, we will gather ten to twenty thousand force and join the Pantapradhan.”

Raghuji returned to Satara only after Shahu’s death, when Ramraja called him in the month of April 1750, and acted within the Peshwa’s orders. One of the erstwhile letters has described Raghuji, “Raghuji’s pride was like mercury, a water droplet over a lotus leaf.”

Shahu’s nature had become extremely delicate and irritable. Nagorao Meghashyam and his elder brother Devrao used to stay near him. On 25 October 1747, Nagorao wrote, “Devrao took leave from the master and went to Indapur. The master satisfied him by pledging over his head. Maharaj appreciated him saying that he had toiled hard at his doorstep day and night, and covered his (Devrao’s) shoulders in his own shawl. The court’s heart is in a very delicate state. He cannot bear too many meetings. However, Bai remains around him a lot. It is not like anybody tries to speak with him in private. Sukhanand was going to meet him. To him too, master spoke with sarcasm. Due to that, he quit going there to meet him. Yesterday, I and Raya were invited to the senior mansion (Sakwarbai) seven to eight times. All three of us went there. Bai engaged in a huge drama. She kept asking for a minimum of twenty-five lakh rupees of her debt from Maharaj. She asked for cash, saying what she would do with chits of paper. All three of us came and requested Rajashree. He just blew it all away. He desires about getting marriages completed. At least two, he would finish off decidedly. He has ordered to begin Birubai’s memorial at Mahuli. He is saying he would go to visit Pratapgad. He might also go to Jejuri if possible. Babuji Naik was going to visit for a meeting, but he was refused.”

In 1748, Purandare wrote to the Peshwa, “Younger queen was down with fever caused by headache for one or two days. Presently fever remains, and head also aches. She cannot speak. She has become extremely dismayed. The Vaidya says that this illness does not seem to be abating quickly. She gets extremely frightened. If the illness does not recover, the Swami will have to come. We keep visiting every day. She has become very weak.”

A report on 23 June 1748 read, “Rajashree Swami was planning to return after completing the Medha campaign. But the illness of Ramoji Shirke posed a huge challenge. So, he arrived at Old Kalamb along with the forces. He stayed for ten to fifteen days there. After that, the monsoon began its business in the extreme. Maharaj entered the village. We too were with him. He (Ramoji Shirke) displayed immense detachment. Maharaj finished the protocol ceremony, feast, inquiries of the ill Ramojibaba, and returned to the army camp. The river began flowing to the brim. Both took leave of each other one day. Thereafter, it was decided to stay at Godoli. There, a special room was appointed for privacy. A common thatched roof hut has been appointed for himself. Accordingly, as per everybody’s position and out of respect for him, all have built their own places of stay made of thatched roof only. However, Devraoji keeps him constant company. While the diagnostic treatment was on, Ramojibaba proceeded to his creator on the sixth night. He was carried to Mahuli like that. The four auspicious months are to be spent at Godoli. The Swami desires to install proper roofs. Hunting is second nature. The queen is at home in her mansion for the past ten days. She keeps visiting twice. Whatever political and religious discussions take place, are anyways conveyed regularly to the Swami. The son has the plan of the Carnatic in his heart.” After this, on 25 August 1748, Sagunabai died.

To be continued…

ISHWARI SINGH’S SUICIDE

When the Peshwa was dealing with these domestic disputes in the Deccan, he did not have the assistance of Shinde and Holkar. The political scene in the north was changing rapidly and as the Delhi throne weakened, opportunities appeared for the spread of Maratha influence beyond the Chambal.

Meanwhile, Ishwari Singh’s health deteriorated due to excessive anger and hatred. Raja Malji’s son Keshavdas was his Pradhan. The other minister Hargovind planted poisonous whispers about Keshavdas in Ishwari Singh’s ears. Ishwari Singh started suspecting him of being close to Malharrao Holkar. In December 1748, Ishwari Singh ordered his Dewan Keshavdas’ death by poison. He also imprisoned one of the artillery operators Shivnath Bhaiya along with his family members. A huge uproar arose outside due to this. There was no wise person left at Jaipur who would keep such things in check.

The year 1749 went in relative peace in the north. Shinde and Holkar were in the Deccan, while Safdarjung was trying to stabilise his position at Delhi with the Badshah. Since they had not received the tribute amounts previously agreed from Ishwari Singh, the Maratha emissaries were following-up with him. The happenings at Jaipur the previous year angered the Peshwa as well as Holkar whose help was sought by Keshavdas’ family. Holkar came upon Jaipur to avenge a wrong. At that time, Ishwari Singh tried to convince Malharrao by paying him two to four lakh rupees. He attacked Jaipur at the end of November 1749. The Peshwa also planned to dispatch Shinde and Holkar to the north in the monsoon of 1750 to collect the dues owed by Jaipur.

Seeing this mockery of a bribe offered by Ishwari Singh, “Subedar (Malharrao Holkar) became upset. He stated that he would avenge Keshavdas’ murder. Raja’s stewards told him that they won’t go and meet Holkar. He would kill them. Raja remained inactive. Evening fell. A report arrived that Subedar had reached at a distance of ten kos. He ordered his assistants to bring a black cobra and white arsenic. They provided the items. Two quartiles in the night the king consumed poison. He also got himself bitten by the cobra. In the hours of dawn Ishwari Singh died. Three of his wives and one artist consumed poison. Holkar attacked Jaipur on the twelfth day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Margashirsh, Friday, first quartile of the day. At that time, the stewards ran to inform the king, checking whether he was still asleep! The king’s assistants relayed the whole news. A huge wail arose in the city. Hargovind and Vidyadhar went and met Subedar. Subedar sent a few of his Sardars and got the king’s last rites performed. The above four and twenty more artists committed Sati. The next day, security guards were posted around the royal palace, and cavalrymen were dispatched to bring Madho Singh.”

Madho Singh was called and ceremonially installed as the new ruler. He achieved his ambition of being undisputed king of Jaipur in December 1750, on the strength of Holkar’s arms. Madho Singh also realised he would have to pay a heavy price for his kingdom. Many parts of the Jaipur state were mortgaged to Holkar for a period of the next thirty-six years to realise the amount and some money was paid in kind. Jayappa Shinde, who had been instructed by Nanasaheb to give Holkar a free hand, also reached Jaipur just eight days after Madho Singh, and realised he had obtained nothing from the Jaipur succession. The dispute now spread to divide the money realised from Jaipur between the two Sardars. Shinde opposed the entire agreement, which was made without consulting him and demanded that Madho Singh hand over a third of Jaipur to the Marathas.

It was time for Madho Singh to live up to the promises he had made to Holkar. However, he did not intend to do so.

To be continued…

WAR OF JAIPUR THRONE

After the murder of Jyotiba Shinde in Bundelkhand in 1743, the forces of Shinde and Holkar stayed in Malwa for the monsoon to control the province. Nanasaheb dealt with some issues on the west coast and took a couple of hill forts near Junnar belonging to the Nizam. The Nizam, therefore, sent his officer Sayyed Lashkar Khan to meet the Peshwa. This became a nagging issue between the two and Nanasaheb’s departure to the north was delayed until December 1744. By this time, Shinde and Holkar had subdued the Pathan Nawab of Bhopal, who then agreed to pay his annual tribute. They next laid siege to the fort of Bhilsa (Vidisha). In March 1745, the fort was captured and the treaty with the Nawab of Bhopal led to a cession of fifteen districts to the Peshwa besides a yearly payment of tribute. The ruler of Orchha was made to pay a tribute in money and elephants, and half of his territory was annexed. In his third campaign to the north in 1745, Nanasaheb stationed himself at Vidisha and began sorting out minor revolts in that area.

Ishwari Singh of Jaipur opened discussions with Shinde and Holkar, paid them the army expenses, and brought them to help him. In the month of February 1745, he defeated Madho Singh with this help. The Peshwa and his Sardars both kept up the policy of acquisition of money and did not pay attention to justice. Meanwhile, Ranoji Shinde died in the month of July 1745. After that, some estrangement occurred between his son Jayappa and his steward Ramchandrababa. Due to that the unanimity in the northern policy was disturbed.

In August 1746, Malharrao Holkar had written to the Peshwa about an evolving crisis in the Jaipur succession. He wrote that there was an agreement with the Rana of Udaipur by which Madho Singh was to receive a share of twenty-five lakh rupees, but Jaipur’s incumbent ruler Ishwari Singh was blocking it. Holkar advised the Peshwa that nobody from Delhi would join Ishwari Singh or object to any action against him, and that even nobles like Mansoor Ali Khan and Aamir Khan were in favour of Madho Singh. The letter reveals Holkar’s aim as early as 1746 to help Madho Singh gain the kingdom of Jaipur, which he claimed by virtue of being the son of an Udaipur princess.

Madho Singh and his uncle Jagat Singh did not quit the pursuit of their objectives. Meanwhile, Bundi’s Umed Singh Hada also lost his kingdom and he joined Madho Singh. On 4 October 1746, meeting at Nathdwara, they discussed many plans. They opened discussions with Malharrao Holkar and sought his help.

Along with the Jaipur dispute, the Maratha operations in the Gwalior region continued under Vitthal Shivdeo Vinchurkar. On 27 January 1747, he wrote to Shinde and Holkar that he had captured the fort of Antri, just south of Gwalior after a siege of a month and a half and was now working to capture the Narwar fort.

Malharrao sent his son Khanderao and attempted to broker some kind of compromise. But that could not get implemented, and the affair came to a head. Jaipur’s experienced and hereditary Dewan Khatri Aayamal, who has also been referred to in the documents with names Rajamal or Malji, died on 9 February 1747, and his son Keshavdas assumed the office of Jaipur’s Pradhan. Since then, the Maratha relationship with the Jaipur throne fell into disrepair.

The Rana of Udaipur sent his own envoy to meet the Peshwa to canvas for the cause of Madho Singh. The Peshwa was informed that Ishwari Singh had failed to hand over the promised territory to his brother. The Peshwa had taken Ishwari Singh’s side before this. Opposing that, Malharrao now took up Madho Singh’s side in hope of securing some money. The Peshwa fell into a dilemma.

Ishwari Singh was joined by Jayappa Shinde while Madho Singh was supported by Malharrao Holkar. The two Maratha Sardars were now in an open confrontation with each other. Ishwari Singh’s two commanders, Narayandas and Hargovind, attacked Madho Singh and the Rana on the battlefield of Rajmahal. The battle began on 1 March 1747, and went on for two days. “Ishwari Singh emerged victorious. He captured much plunder from Madho Singh’s contingent. Ranaji’s force ran away. Many people died on both sides. Khanderao Holkar was standing to a side. He was killed by Narayandasji.”

Ishwari Singh, supported by Shinde defeated Madho Singh with Holkar’s army and claimed the throne. After this, Jagat Singh sued for peace, which was accepted by Ishwari Singh, and he returned to Jaipur after the roaring success. A terrible famine was going on this year in the north. Due to this failure, Maharana became extremely dejected, and began pressing Malharrao for help.

To be continued…

BHAU’S SUCCESS, NAIK’S ENVY

The Peshwa did not stray very far from Satara. He went to Waduth, about twenty kilometres away and camped there on the bank of the river Krishna. The temple of Shakuntaleshwar built by him a few years later was possibly a favourite camping site. From Waduth, Nanasaheb wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 24 March 1747 to come and meet him from his base at Wagholi. Pilaji was a veteran, but not keeping well. Yet, one finds the Peshwa urging, “I am at Waduth. Come immediately. I am waiting for you. Even if you are unwell, you should come. I will not detain you for long. This is an important matter about a campaign.”

The matter involved Pilaji’s advice about events in Satara as well as the news that the Nizam was marching on Bhau’s army in the Carnatic. Again, he wrote, “You should definitely come. The Nizam is heading for Savnoor and Bednoor. Naturally, he will cross Bhau. Naik is also accompanying him. This complication must be resisted. This is Bhau’s first campaign. He should preserve his good name. The elder queen has begun to increase Maharaj’s anger driven by the expectation of marginal profit. The Nawab intends to keep his feet planted over both the boats. Bhau has captured the Kittur station. Now he is on his way to Sondhe. Emissaries have been dispatched to Bednoor. The Portuguese are under pressure. If Naik comes, we are thinking of blowing him away. I am waiting for you.” These letters of March 1747 were the culmination of a prolonged period during which Maharaj was displeased with the Peshwa.

The Nizam dispatched Naseer Jung in Carnatic behind Sadashivrao Bhau. Meanwhile, the Peshwa established contact with Murarrao Ghorpade and began foiling Naik’s plans.

On 30 March 1747, Bhau met Murarrao. Amicable discussions took place. But Murarrao did not join the campaign. He was in discussions with Kolhapur. On 3 May 1747, Bhau camped at Saundatti. Bhau roughed up and brought under his control the whole region from Patshahpur up to Harihar, Basavapattan. Here, Shahu also got angry with the Peshwa and had removed him from the office of the Pradhan for a short while. Sadashivrao’s campaign was a success, and after a four-month period, towards the end of May 1747, Bhau returned from the north Carnatic with enough tribute to take care of some of Shahu’s debts. The successful campaign brought Bhau centrestage and the Kolhapur Chhatrapati even offered Bhau the post of the Peshwa at his court. Nanasaheb soon foreclosed that option by designating Bhau as his own Dewan – a post that Chimaji Appa held in Bajirao’s time.

Sadashivrao Bhau met the Peshwa near Pandharpur. The Peshwa seems to have himself described the overall outcome of the campaign, “In the Carnatic campaign, one has to survive on grass. Less income and more spend.”

However, Sadashivrao Bhau got the first valuable experience to show his prowess, and his brilliance came afore. It was not a small thing that this campaign gave rise to a man with unmatched aggression.

Due to Peshwa’s actions, Babuji Naik became miserable. He thought about camping in the Carnatic. But because he did not have any money, he faced privations. Facing countless problems, he began grovelling in front of the Nizam. “We wrote, ‘If we go back to Satara, we would not live. Nawab should save us. If you agree to keep us in your service along with our contingent, we would happily serve you, but please do not send us back.’ But you (Nizam) replied, ‘Return back. Do not stay with me.’ Since that day, both have not had any food to eat, and are fasting. Nawab has sent some mangoes, jackfruit, and coconuts. He left and marched off to return. At the Kanmadi fort, Naik clashed with Murarrao. Naseer Jung encamped at Shire.”

Due to the competition between the Peshwa and Naik, Sadashivrao’s campaign could not achieve expected success. Since he returned a failure, Naik lost all his prestige with the Maharaj. Both the queens began following-up with him for repayment of loans. “Maharaj posted guards in front of his house. They behaved strictly. Both the brothers fasted until the evening. Aabaji Naik took a poison pouch in his hands. Babuji began searching for a dagger to hurt himself in his stomach. Aatmaram Joshi came there and took away the poison pouch. Both of them went to the extreme and sat in front of Shri Siddheshwar. Raghuji Bhosale came there and tried to reason with him saying, that he would help them to secure the revenue rights in the Carnatic. After that, Naik brothers marched off and went to Manoli via Nargund. They are thinking if Maharaj sends strong ministers and take them back by honouring them with protocol presents, then they would go.”

The Peshwa had a firm resolve to not allow Babuji Naik settle down in the Carnatic. Many others tried very hard to foil this objective. “To ensure that the Peshwa should not be able to set up his own principalities (in the Carnatic), the senior queen, Fatehsingh Baba, Raghuji Bhosale, Yashwantrao Potnis etc. people had been trying hard to convince Murarrao. Babuji Naik had also sent his emissaries there.”

But towards the end of 1747, and the year after that, Shahu lost his attention over the administration. His health and heart grew weak. Seeing that it was impossible for anyone else except the Peshwa to carry the burden of the kingdom successfully, he handed over the full responsibility of the Carnatic to the Peshwa by the end of that year. The Peshwa informed his emissary, “The Carnatic province has been awarded to us through God’s own wish.”

Babuji Naik was driven away from the region. He tried really hard in that relation. But since his chief master himself later died, Naik did not have a strong support any more. Ramraja assumed the throne after Shahu, but he did not wield that much power. In the arrangements decided at Sangola, the Carnatic province was given to the Peshwa with the Chhatrapati’s orders. Naik later also participated in the revolt that Tarabai and Damaji Gaikwad raised against the Peshwa. But he could not survive in front of the Peshwa.

The Portuguese were well aware that Nanasaheb kept a close watch on their activities. On 7 October 1748, the Viceroy wrote in a letter, “Nana is on watch with open eyes to see if we march to the North. He not only made many adjustments to the forts taken from us but also fortified the islands of Arnala, Karanje and many other ports, indicating the use of everything in their defence.”

To be continued…

CONSPIRACY OF COURTIERS

From 25 August up to 14 September 1748, Nanasaheb remained at Satara. He must have noticed that if he remained constantly in front of Shahu, caused an awkwardness for Shahu in his usual free administrative operations. Shahu used to behave as if under pressure. To ensure that did not happen, and Shahu should be fearlessly performing his administrative responsibilities, Nanasaheb probably moved to a place of stay outside Satara, but nearby. He secretly arranged for his security and presence at Satara. However, he remained somewhat aloof by not intervening in any of the complications that arose there. Besides, he was busy with external work as well. The opposing party polluted Shahu’s men by raising an uproar that Nana has become uncontrollable, he remains under the control of his addictions, he would not even listen to Shahu himself now, etc. So, Shahu performed his own inquiries about the truth of their claims, and all these accusations were proven false.

The people opposing Nanasaheb had completely polluted Shahu’s heart against him. This fear of the opposing party was not completely unfounded. It was clearly visible, if Nanasaheb continued in the office of the Peshwa, then after Shahu, whichever king sat on the throne, or whichever arrangement was put in place, the whole authority would pass into the Peshwa’s hands. In such situations, instead of positive thoughts, the common public tends to be more captivated by inappropriate suspicions. This was not only a question of wisdom or capability. All the Sardars and ministers were ready to behave as per Shahu’s orders. But why should they have to display that obedience to a Brahmin youth just twenty-five years old! The Queens and other people undoubtedly nursed a fear, that since they had opposed the Peshwa so far, when all the authority passed into his hands, he would definitely exact vengeance. Therefore, all these people had begun their efforts towards not handing over all authority to the Peshwa, deciding to install some other type of arrangement, installing some other master for the kingdom like Mudhoji Bhosale etc. Shahu was under a huge burden of debt. The Peshwa had collected good amount of money. Everybody had this assumption. So, if he was deposed from the office of the Pradhan, the government would acquire some wealth, and then the future arrangement could be modified, such was their overall plan. They probably had estimated, that Balajirao would openly revolt, and he would disrespect even Shahu’s orders. But Nanasaheb was extremely shrewd. He perfectly knew Shahu’s nature and how to keep him satisfied. Therefore, he presented a face that was in absolute surrender. It does not look like this whole affair was over in two or four days. It is possible that Shahu had kept Balajirao hanging for a month or two. Shahu could have expected that he would present large gifts which could be used to repay his debts.

Thus, it was not just a legend that Shahu had taken away the office of the Pradhan from the Peshwa. This was the last effort of Nanasaheb’s competitors to remove him completely from the state administration. The fire was further fuelled by his competitors, and Shahu tried to keep Nanasaheb away, at least for some days, and tried to see whether the administration would improve using anybody else. The rumours that reached Shahu about Nanasaheb’s behaviour in the personal life may also have contributed to Shahu dismissing him from office. It was only after Shahu had cleared his doubts that Nanasaheb was trusted with the affairs of the empire again. Shahu perhaps knew that he did not have long to live. His anxiety on account of not having a son and successor was, therefore, acute. He was looking for a person who would faithfully manage the kingdom after him. He recalled Raghuji Bhosale to Satara. Raghuji was at this time immersed in a domestic dispute with the son of Kanhoji Bhosale. His plate was full of annual expeditions to Bengal. But since Raghuji flatly refused to undertake the responsibility and decided to support the Peshwa, Shahu again appointed Nanasaheb back. In this overall complication, two to three months of Nanasaheb were wasted in utter consternation. A meeting between Shahu and the Peshwa could not be brought about, and no other arrangement also could be implemented. Nanasaheb spent some days in this ambiguous and tense state. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “The matter at court is that there has been no resolution in our matter until yesterday. Larger dispute is about the elder mansion (queen). We are trying to resolve that affair through whatever we can think of. The situation is extremely complicated, and that is why the delay.”

To be continued…

NANASAHEB DEPOSED, RESTORED

Some of Shahu’s courtiers were not happy with the Peshwa’s close relationship with Shahu and an opposition began to build up. Raghuji Bhosale, Damaji Gaikwad, the senior queen Sakwarbai, and Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Pratinidhi’s Mutalik formed an informal combine. They used to be on the lookout for opportunities to pollute Shahu’s heart against the Peshwa. During these crucial years, when Anglo-French rivalry flared up in the Carnatic, the Peshwa was immobilised at Satara.

In such a situation at the Chhatrapati’s court, all the courtiers became extremely concerned about the future arrangement in the kingdom’s administration, and various different schemes began getting played. Maharaj was, however, unhappy with the Peshwa. The possible reasons were: the two queens complaining about the Peshwa, Shahu felt the Peshwa had worked against Babuji Naik, and finally, Nanasaheb’s inability to pay off the royal debts. Sakwarbai also complained about Nanasaheb’s loose personal life and his fondness for luxury and compared Maharaj’s growing debts with the Peshwa’s riches.

In one of the letters, Nanasaheb himself has mentioned about Raghuji’s suspicious nature. Two years since the month of August 1745, Nanasaheb did not venture far, and remained around Pune and Satara. On 5 December 1746, Sadashivrao Bhau was dispatched to the Carnatic. Nanasaheb was at Satara to keep a watch on his activities at the beginning of 1747.

In 1746 itself, Shahu had begun testing the Peshwa’s loyalty. The Shahu Bakhar narrates a peculiar anecdote. Once when Shahu had gone for a hunt, he sat fishing by a lake, ignoring the Peshwa who was behind him. Then, he rose and went back and sat on his throne. From there, he rose and reached his palace. Halfway to his room, he left his slippers. There was no servant nearby. The Peshwa picked up the slippers and took it to the Rajashree. Seeing this, Shahu was pleased.

The Bakhar account continues with another narrative. The Peshwa reached Satara on one occasion with a five to seven thousand-strong army, met Shahu, and camped outside the town. Shahu suddenly called the Chitnis and said, “Write a note to the Pradhan, he has been removed from the post. So, he should deposit the stamps, seals, ceremonial dagger, the Zaripatka standard, etc. insignia to the messengers that have been sent for deposition in the Jamdarkhana (royal treasury).”

The messenger went to the Peshwa, who was about to have a bath. Pradhanpant read the letter, got up rightaway, handed over the stamps, seals, dagger and Zaripatka to the messengers and sent them on their way. Nanasaheb then left camp, erected a smallish hut away from the main camp, got his meal prepared there separately. Forty or fifty of his servants joined him there. He wrote a letter to Maharaj, “I would have come immediately and sat by your feet, but I have an army with me, and need to hand it over to somebody. Request you to write whom should I hand over the government workshops and army which belongs to the central government. I’ll do so accordingly and come to meet you.”

Maharaj replied, “I will send a clerk to take charge. Until then, stay there.”

Ten or twelve days passed in this state. All the administrative activities came to a standstill. The news began spreading all over. Officers of Maharaj enquired, “Has the Pradhan committed a mistake? What is the thought of the future!”

To this Maharaj replied, “I do not wish to give him the post. I will revert to Pingle (Bahiropant Pingle was the Peshwa before Balaji Vishwanath was appointed in 1713; here, the reference is to his descendants).”

The officers said, “This news might have already reached the Hindustan province or will definitely reach. There are many affairs going on all over India by officials beholden to the Peshwa. He has Sardars installed everywhere, who have their internal disputes. Therefore, either grace him or grant the office to someone else, and they should tighten the loosened state. There will be chaos if this news leaks out.”

Here, Nanasaheb sent a request through Chitnis and Mantri, “We are staying outside the camp in a separate tent. Request you to order us to present ourselves at your feet, or give us some other way to serve you.”

Maharaj replied, “What Nazar (offering) do you offer?”

Nanasaheb replied, “We are alone here. Whatever the government’s authority and power, has been deposited to the government. My house and property belongs to the Sarkar (Maharaj). Bring it all as a Nazar (offering).”

The only reply that was received for this was, “We wish to grant the office of the Pradhan to someone else.”

After this, Nanasaheb wrote the next letter to Maharaj as follows, “At the service of your feet, Balaji submits many requests. The sad option written in Maharaj’s letter was informed to us. We are the Swami’s children. Why does the Swami even writes giving options to us? It is not like we exist independent of the Swami. Whatever loyalty we hold with your feet, we get outcomes in accordance to that. What further to write. Submitting this.”

A few days later, Shahu dispatched some messengers and summoned Nanasaheb. The Peshwa took only one assistant, came, paid his obeisance and stood respectfully before him. “Please order me any service at your feet. However, do not push me away from your feet.”

Shahu was pleased. This convinced Maharaj, that he was a truly loyal servant, and would never waver from his path. He rose and said, “You are my true and loyal servant. I will never keep you away.”

Maharaj ordered all the royal honorifics, insignia to be brought there, conferred all of them upon him, and restored him to the office of the Pradhan. The Peshwa laid his head at Maharaj’s feet. Maharaj said, “I wanted to test your loyalty. Truly you are the son of Bajirao and the grandson of Balaji Vishwanath. I am pleased by your service and loyalty.”

He also gifted the Peshwa with protocol robes, gemstones etc.

To be continued…

RELATIONS WITHIN FAMILY

One can say, that Nanasaheb was primarily a product of the initiation that he received at the hands of Chimaji Appa and Ambaji Purandare. Most of his initial years were spent at Satara near Shahu Maharaj, in the company of Chitnis, Pratinidhi, Naro Ram etc. worthies. Ambaji’s son Mahadoba and Nanasaheb were of the same age. The next pair was Sadashivrao Bhau and Nana Purandare. Purandare and Peshwa families were almost inseparable. In those days, the primary education for the children consisted of writing and reading skills in the Modi script, study of the Sanskrit language, and political and policy scriptures. Two of the following letters are memorable with respect to such education. The following letter from 5 May 1748, “To Chiranjeev (blessed with long life) Rajashree Raghunath, from Balaji Bajirao Pradhan, blessings. Whatever came to my mind when you left, I relayed to you. Always keep it in your mind. Raghuvansh, Vidurneeti, Chanakya, whatever else you know, think about them in your mind regularly. Recite them regularly in front of the Shastri in small snippets. While at ease, do read the Mahabharat from the Virat-Parva onwards. Do not remain engaged only in your hobby of riding horses. Practice your arithmetic calculations of additions, subtractions etc. profusely. Ensure that you follow Chiranjeev Bhau’s guidance in various ways. Do whatever he orders you to. Have your meals with Bhau. Do not tie your horses separately. Do not keep the company of mean people. Try and sit half-an-hour near the Revered Mother (Radhabai), Tai (Kashibai), Anubai etc. ladies for one or two days. Your health has not been well. Ensure you take medicine regularly to fix that. Accompany Bhau for horse-rides. Upon being ordered to visit Satara, request Bhau to allow Chimangiri Gangadhar Bhat to accompany you and take him along. Upon arrival at Satara, do not visit the two Queens, unless invited, or unless Govindrao (Chitnis) himself tells you to. Keep your dressing as per the time, situation, and your age. Keep performing your daily worship, little bit but alone, without making an ado about it. Do this much regularly, and do not indulge in vain pride. Through unwavering revering attitude, you must obey all your elders. Stay alert. Understand whatever your heart is able to. If you have any questions, bide time until you get your elders in a good mood before asking them. If you maintain this attitude of a disciple, it would be beneficial. Chiranjeev Janardan keeps studying hard. If he becomes better than you in all aspects, then how would you become a role model for him? What other special things to write! We arrived at the end of twenty-five days at Udaipur. Through Shree’s blessings, and our hard work, we’re trying to go towards Delhi. Bless you that the way next events occur we will plan accordingly.”

On 17 April 1760, Sadashivrao Bhau wrote the following letter to Bajaba Purandare from the Panipat campaign, “I did not hear much from you these last few days. Do write regularly in detail. We have crossed the Narmada taking the usual stops. We are on our way as normal. Do keep up with your practice for riding horses, writing and reading. Whenever father calls, keep going to Pune. Do not play much. Your mother, through affection, will not scold you. You will get spoilt, which won’t be useful. Here’s blessing you to excel at writing, reading and riding horses.”

These letters acquaint us with the nature of Nanasaheb, Sadashivrao, Raghunathrao etc. The suggestions contained within them seem heartfelt. In his childhood, Raghunathrao was arbitrary, would not listen to elders, and would behave as he liked. Instead of completing the studies assigned to him, he would keep riding horses, and while away his time in the company of lowly men. Sometimes he would even miss his usual meal-times. He seems to have had a habit of meeting Shahu’s queens directly and engaging in some schemes. It is probable that he would not listen to Sadashivrao Bhau. Therefore, worried about Raghunathrao, Nanasaheb warns him in the above letter about so many different things. Nanasaheb would remain carefree after entrusting the responsibilities to Sadashivrao Bhau. He was not that sure and confident about Raghunathrao. Dada (Raghunathrao) does not seem to have inherited from Bajirao any other quality apart from sitting atop a horse with elan. The letter also expresses that Janardan, who was younger to him, was better than him in terms of his nature. At one instance, Raghunathrao wrote, “Our life at Satara is good. I ensure I follow father’s orders, and study well. I visit the court twice a day. I also exercise regularly.”

Raghunathrao was a shade too dull in front of Sadashivrao’s aggression. He did not have his own fixed opinion about anything. He would pose a huge amount of faith in auspicious occasions and astrology. One can clearly discern his qualities like an enormous trust on destiny and God in all events. The resolute and firm confident emotion of Bajirao-Sadashivrao that they would do something, did not find a place in his heart.

To be continued…

SERVICE TO THE CAUSE

Many times, because the Peshwas were busy in bigger external activities it would cause inconvenience to Shahu, and his problems would become unbearable to others in his company. The below letter by Tarabai is an example, “Matushree Aaisaheb (Tarabai) has ordered Bajirao Pandit Pradhan. We desire that you should come here, and our son (Shahu), and you discuss together, act towards the expansion of the kingdom, get orders issued as per your convenience. But your visit would occur after much time, and he has reached the limits of his endurance. Therefore, by ensuring his satisfaction, running the whole administration yourself is appropriate for you. Son does not pay anybody else any attention apart from you. You too should not increase suspicion on both sides. What more to write in detail (19 April 1739).”

Once the Peshwas began working with authority, the work being performed by other Pradhans did not remain that much important. Sumant was the one looking after external affairs. Senapati was the one engaging in warfare. But the Peshwa himself began acting as the Senapati, and appointing his own independent emissaries at external courts, and began dealing with the external states through his own orders. Due to this, the previous Ashtapradhan (Council of eight ministers) system was automatically rendered useless. It was anyways in decline at the time of Tarabai.

A servant who would keep troubling his master about what he should do, and how to do it, was of no use. Such type of letters from the Pratinidhi are often visible, which are conspicuously absent from Bajirao. The following letter from the Pratinidhi is a good example, “The Swami’s whole force lifted camp and left. Everybody remains hungry for want of money. Hearing this, the servant is pained a lot. It is a very difficult situation. Money is nowhere to be found, neither are there any loans available. We are sending fifty gold coins for your service.” Many times, the incessant complaints from the Sardars would come to a head, that people would not last in their forces; nobody would serve wholeheartedly; they would simply desert in emergency situations; they would get up and leave; then the Sardars had to grovel in front of them requesting them to stay back. This was the reason for Shahu to favour Bajirao so much. Shahu tested everybody under him, and only after that trusted Bajirao completely.

Bajirao and Chimaji implemented the standard Maratha campaign policy, wherein they would first establish their authority and terror through their own prowess, or at times using force; would render the region desolate; after that, displaying concern about industry, artisanship, people’s welfare, stabilizing the region; beginning enterprises like moneylending and through them acquiring kingdom and money; in Malwa, Bundelkhand etc. provinces.

When Bajirao’s name and fame spread all over the country, many people from the Nizam’s or other external courts became eager to serve him. In those times, enticing servants of other powers and aligning them to our own cause had become a commonly deployed tactic. Such competition would be constantly going on between Shahu and Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II. “When the revered Mother (Bajirao’s mother, Radhabai) went for pilgrimage, Sawai Jaisingh gave his forces to accompany her. In it, Dileep Singh was at the forefront, and led one-hundred-and-fifty cavalrymen. He is very clever and strong. He intends to send his son along with one-hundred to a hundred-and-fifty Rauts in Rau Swami’s service. If you order, they will bring their forces.” This was a letter dated 5 May 1737 written by Vyankaji Ram to Bajirao. This shows that even the people in the north had begun feeling like serving the Peshwas.

Even though Bajirao did not show any mercy in punishing the guilty, he would extremely religiously provide profuse encouragement to appreciate people serving under him, and take good care of all under him. There are many documents available which contain such encouragement. One sample is as follows. Bajirao wrote to Mahipatrao Shinde, “You have written your intent, which we understood. Whatever Trimbak Gopal relates to you, consider them our own utterances, act accordingly, and save the day. Whatever is the situation, you already understand. In such a situation, defeating the cruel, and acquiring name for ourselves, is the right thing to do, but you already understand this well. Your father has toiled hard for the kingdom and achieved great fame. After him, if you too hold your loyalty and perform great deeds, then it would be beneficial for you. Maintain your army well, break the teeth of your enemies, and write home satisfying news regularly. We will not block your progress.”

The Peshwas also employed Mahars and Mangs in the infantry, and would encourage all the castes equally. Many specific men like Arabs, Kolis, Mavalas, Rangdas (Rajputs), sailors, gunners were needed for many specific tasks. And they were not always available to hand in times of need. The task of maintaining a well-appointed army was always difficult. Nowadays, the army remains in control through well-laid rules. This was not the case during the time of Maratha Confederacy. Due to this, many times there were incidents of defeat at the crunch time.

To be continued…