PESHWA’S UNPRECEDENTED SUCCESS

Half the kingdom of Orchha’s Prithvi Singh was confiscated by the government. After Naropant rendered the Orchha town to dust, the king there moved to a new capital at Tehri fifty miles to the south. That principality lasted till independence. Naro Shankar took the Jhansi fort in his control and settled a city beneath it. He brought the people from Orchha there and settled them there. This became the later Jhansi principality. He also took many families there from the Deccan. Since the main road to enter the Ganga-Yamuna Doab passed through Jhansi, trade and commerce prospered and Jhansi city became wealthy. Jhansi’s name has later become indelibly linked to the history due to Rani Lakshmibai’s valour.

It would be worthwhile to note the Maratha officials at Jhansi after Naro Shankar.

1. Mahadaji Govind (Kakirde?) – from 1756 to 1760.
2. Baburao Konher – 1761-1765.
3. Vishwasrao Lakshman 1766-1769.
4. After this, Raghunath Hari Newalkar was a great warrior Subedar. He again arrested the king of Orchha and held him a prisoner atop Jhansi fort. Orchha was destroyed completely. The administration was carried ahead in the family of Raghunath Hari.

Nanasaheb sent Holkar and Shinde to obtain pending dues from Rajputana, instructing them to be stern with the Rathod ruler of Jodhpur, “Do not hold any kind of friendship towards Abhay Singh, threaten Jodhpur, take control of two to four important locations there, and earn money. Unless we display callousness, they won’t come to the negotiating table. Their emissaries have come here, but they do not pay much attention. Rathod is untrustworthy. Do not hold any affection or sympathy towards them and respond clearly.”

The Dussehra of 1741 was extremely successful for Nanasaheb Peshwa. On the Vijayadashmi of this year, Nanasaheb embarked on the campaign after seeking the blessings from the Chhatrapati and his revered mother. He spent the next one year in the north. He met Jaisingh, and acquired the grant-notifications for Malwa from the Badshah, or one can also say snatched them from the Badshah. He flew up to the eastern seas and helped settled down Raghuji there. After completing the religious pilgrimage at Kashi, Prayag, and Gaya along with his whole army, he turned back. He intended to finish off settling down the arrangement of Bundelkhand, and whatever big and small affairs there, and then return to homeland. However, at this time, Maharaj’s health deteriorated at Satara, and he was recalled immediately. Shahu was afraid, that Raghuji Bhosale’s affair would escalate similar to that of the Dabhades. Therefore, Shahu also recalled Raghuji urgently to meet him. Shahu’s fear, however, turned out to be misplaced. Bajirao was someone who would nurture the kingdom on the basis of his military prowess. Whereas Nanasaheb was exactly opposite, someone who would impress his opponents through his diplomatic manoeuvres to get his objectives accomplished, and who would arrest any kind of escalations. Therefore, he accomplished an unprecedented success in this long campaign by acquiring the Malwa grant-notifications, came back to Pune towards the end of June 1743 to meet his revered mother, and immediately proceeded to Satara for a meeting with Maharaj. There, Shahu brought about a lasting friendship between the Peshwa and Raghuji, and gave a fillip to the concept of the Maratha Confederacy. Maharaj’s health also had improved in the meanwhile.

Of course, Shinde and Holkar remained in Malwa encamped there. In that relation, Mahadoba had dispatched an instruction to the Peshwa as follows, “Every year, the moment the Narmada is crossed, the soldiers are bid farewell. This year, the Swami should not disband the army. Shinde and Holkar should be kept in Malwa up to the month of Ashwin. The Swami must have thought likewise, but just a suggestion made.” This way, Shinde and Holkar encamped in the north for the first time in year 1743.

To be continued…

ORCHHA’S TREACHERY

Ramchandra Malhar dispatched Malhar Krishna Alagiwale to Orchha, from where some revenues were collected. A letter from 30 June 1742 describes, “You wrote about the news at Delhi, and about the meeting between Jaisingh’s son and Abhay Singh, that was conveyed. We were satisfied reading the reports from Shinde-Holkar. The strength of the Swami’s penance is huge. Due to its influence, the servants secure excellent success. It was excellent that you encamped there. The Shrimant cantoned in Malwa along with his whole force. This way, everything here is fine.”

On 22 July 1742, his wife Gopikabai gave birth to Nanasaheb’s first son, who was named Vishwasrao. Nanasaheb was congratulated by Shahu, and Holkar expressed his happiness at the news.

The Peshwa himself informed Ramchandrababa on 20 September 1742, “Even when we had demanded the estimate about which of the Mamlatdars (revenue officials) of this province should be asked for how much revenues; later, who should be asked to provide what kind of supplies; since the month of Ashadh, the detailed accounts have not yet arrived even when Dussehra looms. Send this immediately. You know very well the expenses of the army.”

The exact date of this betrayal by the Orchha principal is not documented in the available papers. In a letter dated 30 December 1742, Govindpant Bundele refers to that affair as follows, “Bodsa’s Zamindar betrayed. This year’s revenues were taken over by him, and he also plundered the villages and outposts. Some new soldiery and guards have been left with Naropant. Some of the brethren of Bodsa principal had been living at Churkhi. Naropant attacked them and a battle ensued. Men fell on both sides. After that, the opponents sued for peace. A treaty was put in place. Our men are now behind other outposts.” This confirms that the Orchha principal had betrayed Ranoji Shinde in the month of November 1742.

Orchha’s Raja Veersingh Deo’s tribute was overdue, and the Peshwa dispatched Ranoji Shinde’s son Jyotiba and his accountant Malhar Krishna Kshirsagar to collect it. On 13 April 1743, it was agreed that Prithvi Singh would pay an amount of four lakh rupees. However, even as the negotiations were in progress, Prithvi Singh attacked the Maratha camp and killed Malhar Krishna along with a hundred other men. A letter from Mahadevbhat Hingne to his son Bapu of 27 April 1743 says, “They stayed at Jhansi on the way. The Orchha’s principal betrayed us. He killed Malhar Krishna and a few others through treachery. Besides, they also killed five to ten Brahmins including Mahadev Krishna, Antaji Krishna, and a hundred to a hundred-and-twenty-five young men, servants and soldiers. The camp was looted. They have also besieged the fort of Jhansi. Jhansi is under attack. Dhondo Dattaji is firing guns from the fort. But no help can reach him from outside. Malharpant’s son and son-in-law both were at Orchha who were also killed. Let us see what happens… no ruler had ever betrayed the Shrimant in this manner before. All this happened due to the fort of Jhansi. However, the Shrimant will do the needful.”

Prithvi Singh’s men crossed the river Betwa towards the camp of Ranoji Shinde’s son Jyotiba who was at Varvasagar, and unaware of the attack on Malhar Krishna. The Orchha ruler’s men swooped on the camp and killed Jyotiba. Jyotiba was the first, but would not be the last, of Ranoji Shinde’s sons to be killed in the mid-eighteenth century.

As the refuge of the weak and the unscrupulous, assassinations were a means to rid oneself of a strong enemy and was used more than once in the next two decades. However, Jyotiba’s death precipitated the end of Prithvi Singh’s rule. Nanasaheb promptly sent an army under Naro Shankar Dani, who imprisoned the ruler of Orchha and plundered his city. The king was placed in the open on a fort’s bastion in chains. The province of Jhansi was annexed, and villages were given as Jagirs to the families of the murdered men. The year ended with the Maratha rule consolidated in Bundelkhand and Malwa. Nanasaheb then sent his emissaries to meet the Badshah at Delhi seeking the Chauth of Bundelkhand, Malwa and Allahabad provinces.

“After this, Shrimant dispatched Naro Shankar Raje Bahaddar along with force. They attacked Orchha. They arrested the king, heaped ignominy on him by running a donkey-plough all over the principality, dug it up, and rendered it desolate. The king was clapped in irons and was kept imprisoned on one of the turrets of the fort. Shrimant’s control was established everywhere. The disorder that had prevailed vanished. After that, the king was given a fixed area of control, in which the location of Jhansi was given to the Marathas. For the manslaughter that had been committed, Malhar Krishna was granted the village of Varvasagar, and Ranoji Shinde was granted some villages from the Orchha domains as compensation. Naro Shankar administered the realms up to 1756.”

To be continued…

BUNDELKHAND

On his northern campaign, one of Nanasaheb’s objectives was to consolidate and strengthen the foundations of the Maratha power in Bundelkhand. Bajirao had accepted the enterprise of spreading the Maratha Confederacy in the north Hindustan upon Shahu’s orders. In it, he first established Shinde, Holkar and Pawar in Malwa. Later, through Chhatrasal he got a foothold in Bundelkhand. To achieve Maratha sovereignty, and keep the Maratha threat everywhere equally, the foundation in Bundelkhand was more convenient as compared to Malwa. There was no other shelter for the Marathas more convenient than Bundelkhand, to keep a watch over an extensive region covering Rajputana, Delhi to the west, Doab, Prayag, Awadh to the north, Kashi, Patna and up to Bengal on the east. It was easy to quickly convey military resources from there to any of these places as necessary. Everybody agreed with this principle, and in the campaign of 1742, the Peshwa himself had stayed in Bundelkhand. He firmed up the first of his plans to solidify the Maratha power there. Any previous efforts before this had not had such organised form.

The central point of Bundelkhand were two locations of Jhansi and Orchha. Orchha stood at the erstwhile crossroads, six miles east of Jhansi, near the more recent Banda railway station, with the other erstwhile station posts like Chanderi thirty miles southwest, Gwalior fifty miles north, Jaitpur sixty miles east, and nearby Kalinjar. The Marathas slowly occupied these important stations as well. There were two routes to enter Bundelkhand from Deccan, the one via Ujjain-Sironj-Bhilsa, or from the southeast via Gadhamandala following the origin of the Narmada. The Peshwa had already previously taken control of these routes. The Peshwa himself had demonstrated how to keep a watch on all four sides from Orchha in this campaign lasting for one-and-a-half years.

Even though Chhatrasal and his sons had taken the help of Marathas in their helpless state, many big and small Bundela Rajput princes were ruling at various places. They did not want the Maratha control. The Marathas had begun their efforts to impose the Chauth on these kings too and to bring them under their control since the time of Chhatrasal. Bajirao had appointed Govindpant Kher Bundele on this task. He lived at Sagar and established a tradition to collect annual Chauth tributes on the basis of his military strength. Other Maratha Sardars would also visit as per their availability to collect this Chauth tribute. Orchha was under the control of a Bundela king Veersingh Deo. Six miles to the west, there was a hilly area and a small town at the base of those hills named Balwantnagar. Recognising the convenience of the location, Veersingh Deo built a fort on that hill, which later became famous as the Jhansi fort. Prithvi Singh, the current ruler of Orchha had not accepted the Peshwa’s authority.

The Sardars informed on 12 April 1742 to the Peshwa, “Rajputs were not listening to their own brothers, how would they listen to us! We are not deficient in the service of the Swami. Presently, we have come near Jodhpur. We will act as per the situation. Some revenue collections have been gathered. The region is desolate. We have dispatched the lists from which you will understand.”

From Gadhamandala, Nanasaheb entered the province of Bundelkhand and crossing the river Betwa, passed the monsoon of 1742 at Orchha. The annual chore of reducing small principalities to obedience and obtaining tribute from them continued. Peshwa encamped at Orchha for the monsoon and established his control in the regions of Damoh, Sagar, Lalitpur, Khechiwada, Ahirwada, Bhadawar etc.

The Peshwa wrote on 29 June 1742, “Quite a few days have been spent on the campaign in our own regions. After that when we arrived on the north bank of the Narmada, we resolved the Mandala affair. In the region belonging to the smaller princes, up to eight days were spent for each. All days were spent in the campaign. Thinking about returning to our homeland, the monsoons began and the Narmada rose up in flood. The boats were insufficient. Later, there was Tapti River to cross. The army would face extreme labour and it would cause great destruction. Therefore, we have encamped here.”

To be continued…

RECONCILIATION

Raghuji understood completely, that the Peshwa was chief of the Maratha Sardars, if he opposed him, he would be left standing alone, would become helpless, it would become extremely difficult for him to secure anybody else’s support, and his enemies would benefit from this. He realised perfectly well, if he wanted to succeed in his project of invading Bengal, the external help his enemies were getting should be stopped. It was evident what kind of help Aliwardi Khan was going to get from the Badshah. After all, the Nawab was trying to take the benefit of the competition between him and the Peshwa to turn the tables on him. So, he decided to reconcile with the Peshwa and foil the Nawab’s plan.

Since Raghuji had decided to dump the animosity within his heart, and got ready to accept the predominance of the Peshwa, the main bone of contention vanished. Nanasaheb was also eager for a reconciliation. His nature was not adamant or abrasive like his father. Since he was young as well, he did not find it appropriate to excessively oppose these close relatives of the Chhatrapati. After arriving at Satara from the campaign, since both of them were ready to forget the mutual animosity, the reconciliation negotiations started through the mediators. Very soon a news spread to the effect that, “Raghuji and Shrimant had reconciled on the point of the authority of Sardeshmukhi of Patna. Therefore, the Nawab (Safdarjung) should write to Mahabat Jung i.e. Aliwardi Khan and bring about a treaty with Raghuji. Shrimant does not need Bengal. Whatever revenues are collected at Prayag, should be given over to the Peshwa.”

All the details of the campaign had already been conveyed to Satara. The moment the basic point was agreed upon by the Peshwa and Raghuji, no time was lost in bringing about the compromise. Eventually, Maharaj called both of them to Satara for a meeting, brought about the reconciliation between them, and clearly demarcated the areas of action for each of them. He decided that the Peshwa should not intervene in the regions from Berar up to Cuttack province, Bengal, Bihar, Lucknow etc. and the regions of Ajmer, Agra, Prayag, and Malwa along with the tract between Allahabad and Patna were identified as the area of action for the Peshwa (on 31 August 1743). The Peshwa agreed not to interfere in Bengal. As a consequence, his commitment to Aliwardi Khan that he would protect Bengal from Raghuji’s invasion fell through, and future invasions were accordingly executed by Raghuji. Raghuji secured the Peshwa’s approval for his invasion of Bengal, and in the next eight years, he carried out passionate struggle with Aliwardi Khan and finally succeeded in implementing his rights over Bengal. The dispute between the Peshwa and Raghuji which had lingered from Bajirao’s time was settled amicably, and from then on, the two cooperated with each other.

Chitnis wrote, “(Maharaj) brought about a friendship between the two, and ordered celebratory feasts. He got both of them to pledge at his feet about not holding any ‘ifs’ and ‘buts’ in their heart. Both of them partook in the government celebratory feasts. Both were granted the things confirming the agreement. Maharaj showered upon both the feasts, honours, and bade them farewell.”

Aliwardi Khan was expecting Bhaskarram’s invasions to end with the Peshwa’s help. This hope was belied. With Nanasaheb and Raghuji burying their hatchet and dividing up their zones of activity, Aliwardi was left to fend for himself. On Raghuji’s withdrawal, he reoccupied Cuttack and appointed a new deputy Governor there along with Durlabhram, the son of his own trusted aide Janakiram as the Dewan.

Around the Dussehra of 1743, after Shahu brought about a reconciliation between the Peshwa and Senasahebsuba, the Peshwa never paid any attention to the region of Bengal towards the east. All that responsibility was borne by Raghuji independently. The Marathas had not quite finished their business in Bengal. Raghuji’s demand for Chauth had not been accepted and after his agreement with the Peshwa, he was free to enter the province again. A new decade of war and murders in the east was about to begin and the Nawab was to have no peace. Raghuji immediately went back to Nagpur, and got the preparations completed for Bhaskarram to complete the unfinished business from yore. Pant had earned huge plunder from Bengal, and was eager to avenge the riot at Khatwa. The year 1744 began with Raghuji planning yet another campaign to Bengal. The Nawab on the other hand, felt the agreement with the Peshwa would secure the province from further invasions. For Aliwardi Khan just one battle had been won, the war was far from over. The Marathas had not given him a moment of peace since the day he usurped the office of the Subedar from Sarfaraz Khan. Raghuji and Bhaskarram had not given up their aim of subjugating Bengal. On his retreat, Raghuji had sent out ‘Bairagi’ troops to attack Raajmahal, Bhagalpur, and Baluchar. The guerrilla war left the Nawab running from place to place to put out small fires.

To be continued…

THE REAL CRUX

The triumphant return of Nanasaheb to Pune was somewhat under a cloud. On 5 June 1743, Raghuji had written to his envoys at Satara summing up the events of the campaign and asked them to inform Maharaj as follows, “On 5 June 1743, to Rajashree Balambhat and Rajashree Vishwanathbhat Gosavi (Vaidya brothers), Akhanda-Lakshmi-Alankrit (bedecked with unbroken wealth), Rajashree Raghuji Bhosale, Senasahebsuba submits his humble obeisance. This is to provide the details of happenings this side and to understand those from yours. For quite a few days now, we haven’t received any news from your side via any letter, so our heart grows suspicious. So, it must be calmed down by sending detailed news reports on your side. About the news this side, last year, Bhaskarram along with his army had attacked Maqsudabad (Murshidabad), fought with Aliwardi Khan, and encamped there itself thereafter. To assist him, we too went up to Shrigaya (Gaya) along with our force taking the usual stops. I found that Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan with his army also came to the same place. He sent a messenger to us, after which I personally went to meet him, and discussed everything in detail. After this, we took leave from Rajashree Pradhan, and taking the usual stops proceeded on our way to defeat the copper-skinned at Maqsudabad. On our way, we halted at Khatwaganj (Khatwa) on the banks of Shribhagirathi (Bhagirathi) outside Maqsudabad. Upon that the Mughal approached via his emissaries for negotiation, saying they were ready for a treaty, pay a suitable tribute, and will hand over the control of the regions. Such negotiations were going on. But suddenly coming after me to Maqsudabad (Murshidabad), Rajashree Pantapradhan arrived near Maqsudabad from behind along with his forces. He intervened and sent a message that he had arrived for help (to the Nawab). He said that he had been ordered by the Badshah for this. He was ready to combine with their forces to drive away the Ganim (Marathas) from the regions. He caused this disturbance, got together with the Mughals and together with them attacked us. We had previously written all this to you, and you must have heard it earlier. After that, we came near Ramgadh Badami along with our force. Rajashree Pantapradhan (Prime Minister) gave leave to the Mughals to proceed to Maqsudabad, and himself proceeded to Gaya via Panchet. One of the stronger diplomats (earlier serving at the Nizam’s court) Rajashree Sheshrao is now with Aliwardi Khan. His letters mentioned that the Mughal desired to enter into a treaty with us. For this he wrote that we should send Rajashree Bhaskarram back along with the force and ourselves should proceed to homeland. Accordingly, we provided the faster cavalry force with Bhaskarram and sent him back. We took the larger force along with the camp followers and baggage train and arrived near Bendu’s Ghat with them. We marched off the next day, and since the pass was difficult, we came up front, crossed the Ghat and reached four to five kos ahead of the rest. Some of the vehicles in the baggage train had climbed up the Ghat, while some others had remained behind. Suddenly, Rajashree Pantapradhan arrived near the Bari (Ghat) after travelling long marches through the night, and attacked the rear of the baggage train. At that time, some of our men in the Bari clashed with some on his side. Hundred to two-hundred men and horses were killed. Hearing this news report, we turned around, and arrived in front of the Bari. Our men clashed again with theirs and we pushed them down out of the Bari. The sun was about to set, so we turned around and came to the force’s camp. This way, we have submitted this detailed report at the feet of Rajashree Swami to indicate that he had begun the fight. You will understand. Presently, we arrived back at Nagpur along with the whole army taking the usual stops. We write this letter so that you come to know. What more to write, do keep your affection towards us.”

In a letter dated 20 June 1743, Ranoji Shinde wrote, “Our army was at Maqsudabad (Murshidabad), we met Raghuji Bhosale, defeated him and we are now back in Malwa.”

Shahu Maharaj’s biography written in the Shahu Bakhar account by Malhar Ramrao Chitnis from the Chitnis family seems to contain perfect short summary of this whole affair. “Taking Shinde, Holkar, Pilaji Jadhav, and Pawar along, the Shrimant left for the north. Khandesh, Burhanpur, Malwa was placed under tribute. He stayed there for a year. Raghuji Bhosale went to Cuttack and Jagannath and to Hindustan up to Awadh and took a tribute. The Peshwa kept observing that Raghuji Bhosale was engaging in campaigns up to Cuttack, Jagannath (Puri), and capturing those places; further even threatening to campaign up to Awadh in north Hindustan and collect tribute from there. However, the Shrimant felt that the north Hindustan was assigned to him for campaigning by Maharaj, so he proceeded there. Bhosale said, ‘Whatever you can capture, you take. Whatever we can capture, we will.’ Such was the stalemate. Both the forces attacked that province. They clashed with each other in a battle. That too ended in a stalemate and both reverted back to their own positions. Then both decided that it was not appropriate to fight internally, they should write to Maharaj, and act according to whatever Maharaj advises. After this, they wrote detailed accounts to Maharaj. Maharaj replied upon that, it was not good that they had clashed amongst themselves. Both of them should come to meet the Maharaj face-to-face. Maharaj would hear both parties, fix the provincial responsibility and boundaries, and accordingly the tributes should be collected. Upon that, Pradhanpant left from there and returned.”

The Maratha ministers at Shahu’s Durbar protested at the Brahmin Peshwa’s attack on Raghuji. However, Maharaj did not blame Nanasaheb, choosing instead to mention Raghuji’s withdrawal from Pondicherry after being presented with bottles of French wine. He said, “Partaking liquor you sank the kingdom.”

To be continued…

PESHWA VISITS KASHI

When the Badshah had signed the treaty awarding Malwa to Nanasaheb there were some conditions of service and consequently, Mohammedshah made his request asking the Peshwa’s help in Bengal. Nanasaheb had made his interest in Bengal known, at the same time he was keen to assert his authority over Raghuji. The Badshah’s request fell in with his plans of going to Bengal, but it also meant he had to ally with Aliwardi Khan against Raghuji. On the face of it, Nanasaheb accepted the Badshah’s commission and agreed to help free Bengal of the Bhosale invasion. The Badshah ordered Aliwardi to pay for the Peshwa’s expenses. Now an imperial request to do so, along with payment of his expenses was more than he could expect.

Before reaching Bengal, Nanasaheb attacked and demolished the fort of a rebellious Pathan chief named Ahmed Khan at Ghausgad near Gaya. He took away his treasure and imposed a fine of fifty thousand rupees on him. Ahmed Khan then submitted to the Peshwa and his life was spared after he paid the amount. Residents of Patna worried about their town. Zainuddin, the deputy Governor, approached Govindji Naik of Kashi, who was close to the Peshwa to dissuade him from attacking the city. Govindji Naik agreed and requested Nanasaheb to spare Patna. Consequently, the Peshwa did not visit the city and proceeded towards Bengal.

From Prayag the Marathas moved along the southern bank of the Ganga to the town of Mirzapur and camped there on 1 June 1743 (dates suspect). The proximity to the holy city of Kashi, and the desire to rebuild the temple of Kashi Vishwanath at its original site, moved Malharrao Holkar to make preparations to take over the city. A letter dated 27 June 1743 (dates suspect) gives a summary of the events, “It is Malharrao’s wish to demolish the mosque at Gyanvapi and build a temple. However, the Panch-Dravidi Brahmins (the Brahhmins in the south were classified into five groups: Karnataka, Telegu or Tailanga, Dravida i.e. from Tamil Nadu and Kerala, Maharashtra, and Gurjara) worry that the mosque is well-known. The Patil will make the temple without an order from the Badshah. Once the Badshah comes to evil ways, the Brahmins will die. He will take their lives. In this province, the Yavanas are in strength. They will not at all accept this. The Brahmins will be in a bad state. the Ganga is omnipotent! It is better to build it at another place. However, to do what will not endanger the Brahmins. Even so, what the Vishweshwar thinks proper, He will do. What is the point of worrying? If they begin to demolish the temple, the Brahmins will come and send a letter of request to the Shrimant – that is the thought now.”

Eventually, Nanasaheb decided to make a private visit to Kashi, without his large army. He visited Varanasi by crossing the Ganga in a boat and prayed at the small Vishwanath temple near the mosque. Mansoor Ali Khan in whose domain the holy city lay, seeing Nanasaheb’s approach with a fifty-thousand-strong cavalry, quit Patna and returned to Awadh. He sent his minister Nawal Rai to Varanasi, but the Peshwa had already visited the city by then and moved on to Gaya.

Seeing the Peshwa’s approach with a large army, Aliwardi wondered what lay in store for him. Raghuji, who had camped just forty kos from Nanasaheb with a much smaller army, had reason to be apprehensive too. Both wondered what the Peshwa’s intentions were. Raghuji, therefore, decided to visit the Peshwa in his camp and hold discussions with him on the future course of action. Raghuji rode alone there and met the Peshwa. The four days at Gaya were spent in personal discussions, the nature of which is not known. Both Nanasaheb and Raghuji knew that it would be viewed poorly if their armies fought each other. At the same time, both did not agree on ceding Bengal to the other. A tactical path of some kind was possibly discussed is what we can surmise from events that occurred thereafter.

From Gaya, Nanasaheb passed through Monghyr and Bhagalpur before taking the road through the hills. At Bhagalpur, while most residents crossed the Ganga to be out of the army’s way, a widow of Ghaus Khan, the late Nawab Sarfaraz Khan’s General, refused and put up a stout defence of her property from the plunderers who preceded the army. Nanasaheb heard of this, went there himself and ordered that the lady was not to be harmed. As the Peshwa passed through the hills he heard Aliwardi had placed troops with guns to block his path at Teliagadhi. Nanasaheb sought the help of local Rajas and a person named Sitaram Ray escorted the entire Maratha army through the hills for a reward of one lakh rupees.

Raghuji’s arrival at Hazaribagh was conveyed to Aliwardi Khan. A newsletter in the Mughal Durbar at Delhi has this entry for 20 April 1743 (the newsletters reported events from the Subas that occurred about a month ago. Events in Delhi are reported on the same date). “It was learnt from the newsletter (Navishta-i-Harkarah) of Bengal ending with 8 March 1743 that Mahabat Jung (Aliwardi) was in the fort (of Murshidabad) when he learnt that Raghuji was present in the district of Ramgadh (Hazaribagh) and that all the inhabitants of Murshidabad were removing their household goods and families to all sides in fear of the enemy. Mahabat Jung, with 25,000 cavalry and 40,000 foot-musketeers (Barqandaz) was ready heart and soul to fight the enemy and would not show the least remissness in chastising the enemy so long as a breath remained in his body. The envoy of Balajirao had arrived near Mahabat Jung and would depart for his own master in a day or two.”

To be continued…

ALIWARDI’S REQUEST

Aliwardi Khan perfectly detected, that the Peshwa and Raghuji were not acting in unison and were nursing animosity towards each other. Aliwardi, in his letter to Mahadevbhat Hingne towards the end of 1742, wrote, “Raja Aayamal met the Peshwa at Sironj and convinced him to come here. This Garib (ordinary, poor mortal) with the help of God, Badshah and good fortune drove Bhaskarram from Khatwa to Panchet to Medinipur to Cuttack up to Atharpur, chased him, and recovered Bengal and Odisha. He then went to Sambalpur. He was confronted by our men and he was unable to take a stand and ran away like a jackal. This insignificant creature is now headed for Murshidabad. The Badshah has agreed to the destruction and chastisement of Bhaskarram and Raghuji, and Bhaskarram is running away from here unscathed. So, you should inform the Pandit Pradhan in detail and request him to go to Devgad and Chanda (Chandrapur) and punish Bhaskarram, and to stop Raghuji from entering this province.”

He informed the Peshwa directly about arresting Raghuji’s advance and sent him some amount of money for the expenses. However, the Peshwa did not get it, and it was carried off by the Nawab of Awadh in the middle. Meanwhile, the Peshwa received the Badshah’s order to proceed to Bengal and drive away Raghuji from there in the November 1742 at Bundelkhand.

Thus, in a way, Bhaskarram’s state of disarray became beneficial to the Peshwa. Since they had accepted the guarantee of protection of the imperial realms, the Badshah did not have any objection to grant the notifications for the Chauth to the Peshwa. Besides, the opposition that Bhosales at Nagpur had been mounting too, had to be dealt with at some point of time. Raghuji was not ready to accept the principle that the Peshwa was the chief executive of the Maratha Confederacy, and it was pertinent to align his policy with that of the Peshwa. There were instances of the two sides sparring with each other in the regions of Khandesh, Berar, Gadhamandala etc. So, the Peshwa planned to take the benefit of the opportunity which had walked right up to him and took the responsibility of checking Raghuji by entering Bengal upon the Badshah’s orders. The Peshwa’s intention in going to Bengal is documented in a letter dated 8 November 1742 as follows, “From Antarved (Doab), near Delhi, on Hindon River. The news here is, that the Shrimant’s campaign is proceeding towards Bengal.”

In early 1743, Nanasaheb’s emissaries were already in Delhi making demands for the Chauth of several provinces and promising that in return, they would protect the Badshah’s provinces. Chauth was supposed to be a payment to obtain protection and its refusal an invitation to plunder. It was not always one-fourth of the total revenue, often quite less. It was also accepted as a cession of territory by the ruler. Eventually, the scope enlarged to the Marathas keeping a small force for the protection of the rulers in exchange of regular payment of Chauth.

The events in the next few months were quite extraordinary. The Peshwa had already decided to move further east towards the Doab. Crossing the Yamuna, he reached Prayag at the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamuna. On 1 February 1743, a letter from Prayag says, “At Prayag southern bank of the Ganga. The Shrimant was in Gwalior. With an intention to establish control and proceeding towards Patna province, he arrived in Bundelkhand. Then, considering Prayag and Kashi to be nearer, he did not go to Patna, but proceeded to Prayag. In the Triveni Sangam (confluence of three rivers), they all bathed, and all rituals were completed in a very good manner. The Subedar at Prayag also gave boats almost insisting about the same. Many of our people sat in those boats, visited the fort (at Allahabad) and took darshan of the Wat tree (the Akshay Wat is an ancient banyan tree inside the fort of Allahabad said to have been where Ram and Sita once rested, and which has been revered since. It is known as ‘Akshay’ meaning indestructible or permanent, as Badshah Jehangir once tried to destroy it by burning and driving nails into its trunk and roots. However, the tree rejuvenated and lived on). It is unprecedented that three-quarters of a lakh people bathed here. It has never happened before, and it appears difficult in the future too. Unlimited blessings of good deeds (Punya) have been achieved – how much can one write about that! God’s workings are strange!”

At the present time, the Badshah was unable to save Bengal from the invasion of Raghuji, however, he was dependent on the revenue from the province. With Mansoor Ali Khan’s mission to Bengal aborted, Mohammedshah turned to the emissaries of Nanasaheb for help. By then, Nanasaheb was at Varanasi.

A letter from Mohammedshah to Nanasaheb said, “Your services this year have prevented the ingress of the enemy in our province (Malwa). I am sending you a special dress, Shirpech, a horse, and an elephant. It is surprising that the Subedar of Bengal has not been able to extricate himself from his (enemy’s) army. The consequence is this; in order to chastise Raghuji you closed the routes, and we have informed Aliwardi that this will disturb the province. He has gone to Odisha with his army. The enemy reached at this time. However, later he withdrew. The enemy will plan another attack. Our army will be ready. However, the servant (Peshwa) with sincerity in his service and considering the permanence of the treaty (about Malwa) should shut the paths of ingress of these rebels and not allow them to enter the Badshah’s territory. This will make me very happy. I have spoken to Mahadev Pandit (Mahadevbhat Hingne, the Maratha envoy at Delhi).”

To be continued…

BADSHAH’S ORDERS

This way, the animosity between the Peshwa and Raghuji went on increasing and both of them kept on preparing for a later showdown. Both of them had their representatives at Shahu’s court as well as the Badshah’s court. One of the Maratha friends, Keshavrao, was at Delhi. He wrote to Raghuji on 11 August 1742, “Your news was related by Vyankaji Devrao. We felt odd that even while Maqsudabad etc. Tehsils belong to you, there was no news pertaining to that region. We heard about your recent friendly overtures with the sovereign. The news on our side would be conveyed through Vyankaji Devrao. What have you thought about future? Bhaskarram has encamped there. Do write about the news there regularly. We too are coming there on the occasion of Vijayadashmi (Dussehra, which fell on 25 September 1742 that year).”

Just two days earlier, Bhaskarram had been the victim of Aliwardi’s surprise attack on the Ashtami day of the festival and had to flee towards Panchet.

But, with a view to understand the Peshwa’s intentions before he himself proceeded to Bengal, Raghuji asked the Peshwa in a letter on 30 September 1742, “You have asked me where I am and what my plans are. Resolving the Undri (near Nagpur) affair on 11 September 1742, we are proceeding to the Devgad province. We intend to join Bhaskarram further. Do inform what you have planned for.”

What the Peshwa replied to this is unknown. But, when Raghuji was preparing to vanquish the Peshwa, he got the news that Bhaskarram was annihilated, and he quickly embarked on the journey to Bengal along with his army. Proceeding east, he captured Cuttack. Aliwardi sent out Mustafa Khan with a ten-thousand-strong army to oppose him. A letter dated 4 May 1743 gives the news, “Aliwardi sent an army with Mustafa Khan and he followed. Raghuji moved forward and met this army and destroyed it. Mustafa was captured. Then he fought with Aliwardi. That is the news.”

Meanwhile, Aliwardi Khan was not sitting quietly. Not only did he amass his own army, but he also sent a request for help to the Badshah. Before Raghuji could reach Bengal, Badshah Mohammedshah’s officials had arrived at Murshidabad to collect the annual tribute. Aliwardi related his miserable state to the Badshah through them. He appealed to them saying disturbed conditions in his Suba rendered him incapable of sending the tribute. He specifically warned the officials, that if he was not provided immediate help, they should count the Bengal province as permanently lost. The Badshah ordered the Awadh Subedar Mansoor Ali Khan – the future Safdarjung – to go to Bengal and help Aliwardi. Mansoor Ali accordingly set out at the head of a strong army consisting of forty thousand horse including a contingent of the Qizalbash cavalry. The size of the army sent an alarm through all of Bengal. The British at Fort William wrote to the Directors of the Company, “From Patna we learn that Suba was advancing that way with 40,000 horse, reported that he had a Firman for the Subedari of Bengal.”

Mansoor Ali arrived near Patna and commanded Aliwardi’s nephew Zainuddin to hand over the fort to his troops. He had similarly requisitioned the fort of Chunar on the Ganga for his family. The British reported, “his people commit outrages, are under no command, it is said he designs to give up the Nawab of Murshidabad’s servants’ houses at Patna to plunder.”

Mansoor Ali Khan began to look more like an enemy in the guise of a friend, and Aliwardi asked him not to enter Bengal.

Here, the Peshwa had arrived in the north and was demanding the Chauth of Malwa, Bundelkhand, Allahabad etc. provinces. He had begun negotiations with the Badshah that in lieu of the Chauth revenues, the Marathas would ensure that the Empire was not troubled. The Badshah instantly provided his approval, and entrusted the responsibility to protect Aliwardi Khan to the Peshwa. He also ordered Aliwardi Khan to pay some amount to the Peshwa through the income of Bengal province as the campaign expenses.

Mustafa Khan’s defeat and Aliwardi’s own inability to fight Raghuji led to a realisation that it would be difficult to face the Nagpur Raja on his own, and he began to look for alternative methods to face the situation. It was Aliwardi Khan himself who first sought the Peshwa’s help and sent his emissary Aayamal to meet Nanasaheb at Sironj in Malwa.

To be continued…

PESHWA-RAGHUJI ANIMOSITY

Raghuji was keen to follow Bhaskarram to Bengal. However, he could not immediately do so as the Peshwa had entered his territory in the Chandrapur region and taken the fort of Vairagad barely one-hundred-and-fifty kilometers south of Nagpur. From here, Nanasaheb turned north via Handia, Makdai, Seoni, following the banks of the Narmada, and near Jabalpur took the forts of Gadha and Mandala.

There is a letter from 20 February 1742 that mentions, “We accompanied the Shrimant with our cavalry force on the campaign to Bengal. We will inform you when we return to camp after campaigning in Bengal. Shrimant decided the agreements for various locations en route.”

From this, it is clear, that while Bhaskarpant and Aliwardi Khan were engaging in their different skirmishes in Bengal, the Peshwa had also planned to move towards that province as a first clear indication of what the next stage in his campaign was about.

Nanasaheb was twenty-one years old at the time, but able to hold his own in the complex world of Maratha politics. However, after Bajirao’s and Chimaji Appa’s death just a year earlier, he had to depend on Malharrao Holkar, Ranoji Shinde and Pilaji Jadhavrao on the battlefield. Raghuji had two others to help his cause, Babuji Naik – who lost the bid to be the Peshwa, and Damaji Gaikwad from Gujarat. Thus, two strong parties emerged in the Maratha fold and the rivalry was out in the open.

Raghuji grew troubled, because the Peshwa had invaded his territory, captured Gadha and Mandala stations, and later was threatening his moves in Bengal. Raghuji watched Nanasaheb’s progress through his territory with annoyance. At a time when Aliwardi’s army was severely distressed for want of food, on 4 May 1742, he wrote to Vishwanathbhat Vaidya and registered a complaint with the Maharaj as follows, “We travelled taking the usual stops through Berar and arrived at Nagpur in the Devgad province. On the other side, Balaji Pandit Pradhan, invaded our benefice territories along with his army, besieged Gadha and Mandala forts, and captured them. They plundered the whole region and burnt it down into ash. They plundered two to three Parganas of the Devgad province like Seoni, Chhapar etc. and polished them off. The Mandala king committed Johar and died. This way, they destroyed the regions and proceeded towards Baghelkhand (Bundelkhand) province. We have never allowed any deficiency in our service up until now. Inform Rajashree Swami, that hereafter we too would need to extract compensation. Similarly, the Peshwa’s officer Trimbak Vishwanath Pethe too arrived in Berar province and despoiled territory in the region. What should one write about it in the letter! They already owe us some pending loans, instead of clearing those accounts, he created trouble in the province. Therefore, we had to subdue them. We have defeated and imprisoned Pethe.”

Raghuji held this Trimbakrao captive for the next year. Shahu had to dispatch his own messengers to get him released. Babuji Naik was an opponent of the Peshwa and would act as per Raghuji’s advice. Seeing that the Peshwa had gone to Malwa and Bundelkhand, in the summer of 1742, Babuji Naik went to Gujarat, enlisted Damaji Gaikwad, and to help Raghuji, they both attacked Malwa from Gujarat. This way, this trio had become inspired to arrest the Peshwa’s advance. But the Peshwa was alert. The Peshwa also made special arrangements in Malwa. While the Peshwa was in Bundelkhand in the monsoon of 1742, Yashwantrao Pawar requested him to grant the station of Dhar. Holkar etc. Sardars too registered a strong recommendation with the Peshwa regarding this. Nanasaheb, therefore, conciliated the Pawars, who had fallen out with Bajirao, and awarded the fort of Dhar in western Malwa to Yashwantrao Pawar on the condition that he would stop their depradations from Gujarat. Mandavgad and Dhar had initially been captured by the Marathas in the Daya Bahadur affair. Later, the Mughals had captured them back. Meanwhile, the animus between the Pawars and the Peshwa grew. After that, Holkar had captured the Dhar station on 5 January 1741. That was granted to Pawar at this occasion, and they also got a permanent seat in Malwa. Pawar accepted the responsibility to resist any future attacks by Gaikwad etc. from Gujarat over Malwa. Yashwantrao Pawar wisely began acting within the Peshwa’s orders and toiling hard in the cause of the Confederacy. Recently, he had also resolved the dispute between Abhay Singh and Jaisingh and earned affection of the Rajputs. Thus, the Peshwa did not allow Damaji to enter Malwa by dispatching Pawar and Holkar. He also informed Shahu about this transgression. Shahu protested against this act by Naik and recalled him to Satara for the campaign to the Carnatic.

All these matters detained Nanasaheb in Bundelkhand for a while. That province had many smaller rulers and Nanasaheb spent these months securing the smaller states in the region. There is insufficient evidence available in the erstwhile documents to confirm with certainty the form the Peshwa’s competition with Raghuji took in Bengal. So, the narrative only lists down the relevant passages from these documents.

To be continued…

RAGHUJI BHOSALE’S ASSIGNMENT

Haji Ahmed preceded Aliwardi into Murshidabad and pacified the panic-stricken residents. Jagat Seth had stayed at Murshidabad and he welcomed Haji Ahmed. Then, the Pathan followers of Aliwardi entered, and were given a day to loot the town. Following this, Aliwardi, appearing penitent, reached the capital. The residents looked on him as a traitor to Murshid Quli Khan’s dynasty. Aliwardi’s first halt was at the door of Zebunnisa, who had once bestowed the robes of office of Governor of Bihar on him. Standing at her gate respectfully and bowing, he sought her forgiveness in flowery words, “Whatever is predetermined in the books of Fate, has come to take place, and the ingratitude of this worthless servant of yours is now registered in the unfading records of history. But I swear, that so long as life shall exist in this blackened face of mine, I shall never swerve from the path of respect, and the duties of the most complete submission. I hope that the vileness and misdeed of this poor humbled and afflicted slave of yours, shall in time be effaced from the mirror of your forgiving mind.”

The late Nawab’s mother did not deign to send a reply.

Aliwardi then ascended the Musnad of Bengal. The huge wealth of Bengal amounting to seventy lakh rupees fell into his hands. And the fifteen hundred female slaves and concubines of Sarfaraz Khan were appropriated by Haji Ahmed and his acolytes.

The usurpation of Bengal was complete.

The Badshah at Delhi was disturbed on hearing of this revolution in one of his richest provinces. He wept, “Owing to Nadir Shah, the whole of my Empire is convulsed and shattered.”

Aliwardi Khan immediately promised to send forty lakh rupees to the barren Mughal capital, along with many jewels, his own gifts and bribes for the Vazir at Delhi. The Badshah was a pauper. It was too good an offer to refuse and Mohammedshah seemingly accepted the fait accompli.

Although Aliwardi had complete control of Bengal and Bihar, in Odisha, Shuja-ud-Din’s son-in-law Rustam Jung, refused to submit. The new Nawab was thus forced to proceed on an expedition to Odisha. Aliwardi’s brother-in-law Mir Jafar led the army, with his grandson Siraj-ud-Daulah accompanying him. The two armies came face to face at Balasore where Rustam Jung entrenched himself. However, Rustam Jung’s son-in-law Baqir hastily attacked Aliwardi’s army and was beaten back. Rustam Jung was forced to flee to Machhlipatnam while his wife with some of his treasure took refuge with the Nizam-ul-Mulk. The triumphant Bengal army captured Cuttack and Aliwardi appointed Haji Ahmed’s son Saulat Jung as the deputy Governor there.

Of Rustam Jung’s remaining adherents in Odisha was his long-time ally Mir Habib. Escaping from the capital city of Cuttack in March 1741, Mir Habib made his way to Nagpur, the capital of Raghuji Bhosale. Here, he met Raghuji’s Dewan Bhaskarram Kolhatkar and briefed him of Aliwardi Khan’s usurpation of the province. He then slipped back and rejoined Aliwardi Khan’s army. By June 1741, Raghuji reached Nagpur and assessed the situation in Bengal.

Immediately after the monsoon months of 1741, Raghuji launched the first Maratha invasion of Bengal. It was to be a war that would occupy him for over a decade.

The Maratha interest in annexing province after province of the Mughals to their own Empire was not new. In his lifetime, Bajirao had brought Gujarat, Malwa and Bundelkhand under Maratha control. After the defeat of the Nizam in 1738 and his son Naseer Jung the following year, and Raghuji’s victory in the Carnatic the year after, the Deccan was practically overrun. After Bajirao’s death in 1740, Raghuji spread his wings, and favourable circumstances in the east as well as Delhi, created an opportunity to invade Bengal.

When the Peshwa and Raghuji both began focussing on Bengal, the Badshah became frightened. The Peshwa and Raghuji both made their own separate plans, acquired Shahu’s permission, and accepted the responsibility of the campaign. On the Dussehra of 1741, both of them embarked on the campaign.

Shahu had distributed various regions amongst his Sardars for campaigning. In this arrangement, the region around Devgad, Chanda, and eastern regions beyond them fell into the scope of the Bhosales. But, since the Peshwa had the responsibility to make the Sardars act through a unified command and control structure, there used to be many conflicts between him and the Sardars. The root cause of the discord that occurred between the Peshwa and the Sardar families like the Dabhades, Angres, and that of Raghuji Bhosale was in the weak position of the Chhatrapati. Unless there is a single authority, none of the activities can be successful. In the present campaign, the opposition between the Peshwa and Raghuji went on becoming inevitable.

To be continued…