CHRONOLOGY – CHHATRAPATI SHAHU MAHARAJ

It would be beneficial if a chronology of the events up to Shahu’s death is provided at this stage.

Date	Events
12 December 1721	Nanasaheb’s birth.
11 January 1730	Nanasaheb’s marriage with Gopikabai.
4 February 1740	Raghunathrao’s Upanayan ritual at Pune.
7 February 1740	Sadashivrao Bhau’s marriage with Parvatibai.
10 April 1740	Aliwardi Khan usurps power in Bengal from Nawab Sarfaraz Khan.
28 April 1740	Senior Bajirao dies.
20 May 1740	Battle of Damalcheri in the Carnatic.
26 May 1740	Nanasaheb departs from Colaba for Pune.
2 June 1740	Sambhaji II arrives at Jejuri.
3 June 1740	Kashibai’s arrival at Pune from the Narmada.
5 June 1740	Nanasaheb departs for Satara.
25 June 1740	Nanasaheb given the protocol robes of the office of the Peshwa.
16 November 1740	Nawab Safdar Ali enters into a secret agreement with the Marathas.
23 November 1740	Nanasaheb leaves for his first northern campaign to Sironj-Bhilsa.
17 December 1740	Chimaji Appa’s death.
24 December 1740	Birubai’s death at Satara.
25 December 1740	Marathas attack the Dutch at Porto Novo in the Carnatic.
December 1740	Tansheth Bhurke given the authority of the royal mint by Shahu.
5 January 1741	Shinde and Holkar capture the Dhar outpost.
7 January 1741	Nizam and Peshwa meet at Edlabad (Muktainagar).
16 January 1741	Tanjore’s Pratapsingh and Raghuji enter into a treaty.
3 March 1741	Nizam arrives at Puntamba to quell Naseer Jung’s revolt.
7 March 1741	Peshwa crosses the Narmada for the northern campaign.
21 March 1741	Battle of Manaparai, Bada Saheb killed.
26 March 1741	Raghuji captures Tiruchirappalli and hands over the control to Murarrao Ghorpade. Chanda Saheb and his eldest son is dispatched to Satara.
13-19 May 1741	Peshwa and Jaisingh meet at Dhaulpur.
27 June 1741	Raghuji felicitated at Satara for a successful Carnatic campaign.
June 1741	Chanda Saheb imprisoned at Satara.
7 July 1741	Nanasaheb returns from Sironj-Bhilsa campaign.
23 July 1741	Naseer Jung defeated at Aurangabad and imprisoned.
7 September 1741	Mughal Badshah issues Malwa grant-notification in favour of Marathas.
18 December 1741	Nanasaheb Peshwa embarks on Prayag-Bengal campaign in the north.
December 1741	Bhaskarram on campaign in Bengal.
11 January 1742	Sarkhel Sambhaji Angre dies.
12 January 1742	Gopikabai returns from Khandesh.
13 January 1742	Dupleix arrives in India.
February 1742	Peshwa cantoned at Chanda. Trimbak Vishwanath riots in Berar.
March 1742	Peshwa captures Gadhamandala.
15 April 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds Aliwardi Khan at Burdwan.
20 April 1742	Manaji Angre comes to Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj.
April 1742	Shinde and Holkar attack Abhay Singh.
April 1742	Bapuji and Damaji attack Malwa.
4 May 1742	Raghuji complains about Peshwa’s incursions into his territories to Shahu.
6 May 1742	Mir Habib attacks Murshidabad with the Marathas.
28 May 1742	Kashibai returns from Rameshwar pilgrimage and embarks on the Kashi pilgrimage.
May-September 1742	Bhaskarram surrounds West Bengal.
29 June 1742	Peshwa encamped at Orchha.
July 1742	Yashwantrao Pawar installed at Dhar.
22 July 1742	Vishwasrao is born.
27 September 1742	Aliwardi raids Bhaskarram at Khatwa.
30 September 1742	Raghuji starts from Nagpur for Bhaskarram’s help.
5 October 1742	Murtuza Ali murders Safdar Ali and assumes the office of Nawab.
November 1742	Jyotiba Shinde and other Maratha Sardars killed in Orchha’s Veersingh’s rebellion.
8 November 1742	Peshwa marches off from Bundelkhand to Bengal.
December 1742	Naro Shankar avenges Orchha massacre. Jhansi established.
January-February 1743	Peshwa completes pilgrimage at Prayag-Kashi-Gaya. Tulaji Angre appointed as Sarkhel.
6 January 1743	Jiwaji Khanderao Chitnis dies.
1 February 1743	Nanasaheb at Prayag.
9 February 1743	Aliwardi Khan returns to Murshidabad after triumphant campaign against Bhosales.
10 March 1743	East India Company ship Winchester leaves from England towards India.
31 March 1743	Peshwa meets Aliwardi Khan.
March 1743	Nizam-ul-Mulk arrives at Arcot.
10 April 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji Bhosale clash at the Bend Pass.
4 May 1743	Raghuji clashes with Aliwardi Khan’s forces.
13 May-20 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu’s health concerns.
19 June 1743	Chhatrapati Shahu issues grant notification in Babuji Naik’s name.
30 July 1743	Peshwa returns from Prayag-Bengal campaign.
August 1743	Peshwa and Queen Sagunabai reconcile.
August 1743	British and French felicitate the Nizam.
29 August 1743	Murarrao hands over Tiruchirappalli to the Nizam.
31 August 1743	Peshwa and Raghuji meet at Satara and reconcile.
23 September 1743	Sawai Jaisingh dies. Succession dispute arises.
January 1744	Bhaskarram departs for Bengal.
16 January 1744	Peshwa enters into an instalment payment agreement with the Chhatrapati.
1 February 1744	Mahadevbhat Hingne murdered at Delhi.
30 March 1744	Bhaskarram and his 21 colleagues murdered brutally in Mankara camp.
31 May 1744	East India Company’s ship Winchester reaches Madras.
20 November 1744	Peshwa embarks on the Bhilsa campaign.
December 1744	Babuji Naik invades the Carnatic.
23 January 1745	Tulaji Angre captures Govalkot and Anjanvel.
February 1745	Raghuji embarks on the campaign to Bengal.
February 1745	Ishwari Singh defeats Madho Singh.
2 March 1745	Bhopal principal enters into an agreement to pay tribute to the Marathas.
11 March 1745	Ranoji captures Bhilsa station of the Bhopal’s principal.
16 May 1745	Cuttack fort and Odisha province captured.
20 June 1745	Mustafa Khan killed in Battle of Jagdishpur.
1 July 1745	Zakaria Khan, Subedar of Punjab dies.
3 July 1745	Ranoji Shinde dies.
1 August 1745	Peshwa returns from Bhilsa campaign.
21 December 1745	Raghuji defeated at Murshidabad and returns.
16 February 1746	Kashibai leaves Pune on another Kashi pilgrimage.
5 May 1746	Shinde and Holkar capture Jaitpur.
20 August 1746	Sambhaji II leaves for Kolhapur from Satara.
21 September 1746	The French temporarily occupy the city of Madras.
4 October 1746	Madho Singh, Jagat Singh and Umed Singh meet at Nathdwara.
28 October 1746	Peshwa enters into an agreement to install Arjun Singh in Bundelkhand.
31 October 1746	Additional French help marches-off from Pondicherry to help Madras garrison.
25 November 1746	Shripatrao Pratinidhi dies.
17 December 1746	Jagjivanram alias Dadoba Pratinidhi appointed on office. Yamaji Shivdeo appointed Mutalik.
25 December 1746	Amir Khan’s murder.
January 1747	Janoji embarks on campaign to Bengal.
January 1747	Raghuji meets the Nizam and Shahu.
January 1747	Jayappa and Ramchandrababa reconcile.
January 1747	Peshwa sends a warning letter to Chhatrapati Shahu.
January 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau wins his first battle at Ajra near Kolhapur.
January-March 1747	Nanasaheb deposed from the office of the Peshwa.
27 January 1747	Vitthal Shivdeo captures Antri.
9 February 1747	Jaipur’s Dewan Aayamal dies. Son Keshavdas appointed the Pradhan.
23 February 1747	Kashibai performs Shraadh ritual at Gaya.
1 March 1747	Battle of Rajmahal. Madho Singh defeated.
7 March 1747	Madho Singh sues for peace, temporary truce.
30 March 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau meets Murarrao Ghorpade on his Carnatic campaign.
7 March 1747	Peshwa meets Maharaj and submits offerings.
March 1747	Kashibai returns from the northern pilgrimage.
13 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu confers upon Nanasaheb the protocol robes and elephant and restores him to the office of the Peshwa.
15 April 1747	Chhatrapati Shahu visits the Peshwa’s camp and meets him.
1 May 1747	Raghuji arrives at Satara, Sagunabai presents him protocol garments.
3 May 1747	Shahu felicitates Tulaji Angre at Satara.
9 May 1747	Sadashivrao Bhau returns from the Carnatic campaign and meets the Peshwa at Jejuri.
24 May 1747	Nanasaheb arrives at Pune.
29 May 1747	Peshwa captures Manikgad fort belonging to Manaji Angre.
7 June 1747	Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Babuji Naik’s brother Aabaji Naik’s wife) dies.
19 June 1747	Nadir Shah’s murder, rise of Ahmedshah Abdali.
July 1747	Sheti Mallick secretly inquires about Nanasaheb’s behaviour.
25 October 1747	Naro Appaji appointed over Pune’s administration.
7-10 December 1747	Peshwa on Newai campaign.
10 December 1747	Tulaji captures the Mudagad fort belonging to the Peshwas.
25 December 1747	Yahya Khan, Punjab’s Subedar Zakaria Khan’s son escapes from Lahore.
1747	Najeeb Khan (Rohilla) arrives in Hindustan and starts serving Ali Ahmed.
1747	Construction of Parvati temple begins.
1748	Sabaji invades Bengal.
8 January 1748	Abdali on the outskirts of Lahore.
15 January 1748	Peshwa captures the Rajkot fortress at Chaul.
12 January 1748	Abdali captures Lahore.
February-March 1748	Pratinidhi etc. clash with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad.
10 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Panipat on its way to attack Abdali.
26 February 1748	Mughal army reaches Sirhind on its way to attack Abdali.
February 1748	Peshwa meets the Badshah at Delhi.
19 March 1748	Tulaji Angre meets Chhatrapati Shahu at Satara.
21 March 1748	Battle of Manupur begins, Abdali defeated by Ahmedshah and Safdarjung.
1 April 1748	Naro Rayaji Thakur defeats Tulaji Angre at Mudagad and captures the fort.
11 April 1748	Abdali halts at the River Indus on his retreat.
25 April 1748	Badshah Mohammedshah (Rangeela) dies.
28 April 1748	News of Badshah’s death reaches Ahmedshah at Panipat.
30 April 1748	Madho Singh meets Peshwa at Newai.
April 1748	Mir Mannu and Abdali defeated at Lahore.
12 May 1748	Abdali reaches back at Kandahar.
21 May 1748	Nizam-ul-Mulk Asafjah dies.
June 1748	Muzaffar Jung and Chanda Saheb meet at Satara. Chanda Saheb released from imprisonment.
9 July 1748	Peshwa returns from Newai campaign.
24 July 1748	Peshwa returns Manikgad to Manaji Angre.
10 August 1748	Holkar defeats Ishwari Singh at Wagru.
25 August 1748	Queen Sagunabai dies while at Jejuri.
30 November 1748	Vazir Safdarjung survives an assassination attempt at Delhi.
10 February 1749	Nanasaheb and Raghunathrao visit Satara to meet Chhatrapati Shahu.
9 March 1749	Vishwasrao’s Upanayan ceremony at Pune.
March 1749	Naseer Jung embarks on campaign to the north.
4 May 1749	Naseer Jung returns from the campaign to Delhi from the Narmada’s banks.
19 June 1749	Marwad’s ruler Abhay Singh dies.
3 August 1749	Battle of Amboor, Anwaruddin dies, Ali Ahmed Rohilla dies.
21 August 1749	Peshwa goes to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar and the army.
1 October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj issues his own handwritten document about the future administrative system of the kingdom.
13 October 1749	Tulaji Angre carries off British ship Restoration.
October 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu invites Raghuji (to assume throne), but he declines.
22 November 1749	Qaim Khan Bangash dies, son Ahmed Khan assumes his throne.
15 December 1749	Chhatrapati Shahu dies at Shahunagar – Satara. Dadoba and Yamaji arrested.
30 December 1749	Sadashivrao Bhau departs Pune for Satara.
December 1749	Safdarjung captures Ballamgad belonging to the Jats.

To be continued…

SEARCH FOR NEXT MASTER

Moving on, Maharaj removed his attachments to worldly affairs completely, and entered into the Vanaprastha Ashrama (living in forest) as per Hindu practice. “Deciding that he would not visit Satara again; he would live only on the banks of Shri Krishna; he built a hutment between Satara and Mahuli and began living there. It was called Vanwaswadi. At this time, the younger queen Sagunabai fell ill. Lakhs of rupees were spent in treating her illness through medicines as well as religious solutions. But it would not recover. Due to this, Maharaj became very sad. After this, Maharaj himself took her to Shri Jejuri. There too, he indulged in ample religious worship and charitable donations. But her life had come to its end. It folded up (25 August 1748). On the same day, he left along with her dead body, and arrived at Mahuli after three quartiles of the next day. She was cremated, a memorial was constructed and regular worship was arranged at that place.”

His health continued to deteriorate. After his younger queen died, Shahu did not have any loving person left at home. His health too began deteriorating by the day. There is one more reference which mentions, “Maharaj fell ill in the Adhik month.”

In 1749, the month of Bhadrapad was the Adhik month. This meant that situation turned for the worse in the month of August 1749. At that time, Shahu called the Peshwa to Satara along with his army. Shahu trusted him like a son, and he was the only one who was able to keep the state administration under control.

Chhatrapati Shahu had been ailing since 1747, and the search for a successor was on since then. The original option of calling Sambhaji II of Kolhapur was backed by Sakwarbai, however, Shahu himself was not in favour. For one, Sambhaji II himself was quite old and had no son to succeed him. Shahu also felt that he did not have the capability of managing a vast Empire. Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai died on 25 August 1748. On her death, Sakwarbai realised that it would be difficult to have Sambhaji II as the successor, and agreed to have Raghuji’s son Mudhoji as Shahu’s successor. Raghuji Bhosale’s wife was Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai’s sister. However, Raghuji, after mending his ties with the Peshwa in 1747, did not visit Satara. At this time, Sambhaji II’s queen Jijabai II wrote to the Peshwa reminding him of the secret pact to make her husband the king at Satara.

Maharaj began worrying about the protection of the kingdom that had been acquired. So, he decided to gather eligible children from the Bhosale family, and decided to finalise an heir. Sakwarbai and the Pratinidhi, however, raised a different view. Vithojiraje’s lineage consisted of eight sons, and Sharifjiraje had his own lineage. Men were dispatched to investigate who was a better child out of them, their royal attributes, and intellectual qualities.

Maharaj completely trusted Govindrao Chitnis, Yashwantrao Potnis, Devrao Meghashyam. These people would stay with Maharaj and take care of the administration. Soon, all these moves to search for a successor were abandoned when Tarabai, the dowager queen of Chhatrapati Rajaram, living at Panhalgad initially under house arrest and then at Satara fort since 1730, with Shahu giving her every respect, revealed that her grandson, of the Bhosale bloodline was alive. When the search for a successor began, she disclosed to Shahu that she had a grandson, born posthumously to her son Shivaji II (who died in 1726), and being secretly looked after by a family in a village named Pangaon. The boy grew to manhood without disclosing his identity to prevent any harm to him from the ruler at Kolhapur. Tarabai sent a message, “Why are you searching for another child as heir? I have secretly brought up my son Shivajiraje’s son. He should be made the master.”

Due to that, the decision about external children for appointment to the throne fell behind. Shahu strove hard to search for an appropriate heir who could control the kingdom. At this time, Rana Jagat Singh was ruling at Udaipur and he had a younger brother named Nathaji. Shahu brought this Nathaji to Satara. With an intention to bring about a closer unity amongst the Rajputs and the Marathas, Shahu informed Rana Jagat Singh, that he would adopt his brother Nathaji, and would make him the master of the Marathi kingdom. His approval was requested. By the time this request from Shahu arrived, Ranaji had already appointed Nathaji on the Jagir of Wagor. Due to this, Shahu’s desire remained unfulfilled. Similarly, Jaipur bulletins also mention, that Shahu had tried to get one Rajput Kshatriya named Kushal Singh adopted and get the Malwa grant-notifications approved in his name from the Badshah using the good offices of Sawai Jaisingh.

To be continued…

DOMESTIC ISSUES

Having secured Gujarat, Malwa, and Bundelkhand from the Mughal Badshah, and having mended relations with Raghuji Bhosale, Nanasaheb now looked to the south. The year 1746, was mostly spent by Nanasaheb at Satara. He described the whole situation there to Ramchandrababa on 21 October 1746 as follows, “We have written about the happenings at court to the Sardars, from which you will understand. The reason for us being held up at court till today is, Rajashree Swami’s government has become debt-ridden. The expenses of the queens are limitless, the situation being rendered like a pauper always. Therefore, Rajashree has issued strict instructions to all his stewards about tightening the strings.

“Rajashree Swami is busy in household affairs. He himself should give us leave to embark on campaign. But he remains busy in his own things. When we think of requesting to grant us the permission to leave, he would get upset. So, we have not discussed with him till today. The thing has been left neglected like this. We are also thinking of leaving from here. Looking for the right opportunity and the Swami’s mental state, we will request the same. But we don’t feel like this year we will be able to visit (north). We don’t even know how many more days it will take to secure the permission to leave. After getting this permission and returning to Pune, we will need to take care of some administrative affairs in Konkan.”

Shripatrao Pratinidhi, a close friend and confidante of Shahu, passed away on 25 November 1746. Shahu was especially fond of him. Losing his very old and especially close colleague caused Shahu extreme grief. He began feeling that he was also at the end of his days. Pratinidhi’s wife Radhabai was a devoted wife and committed Sati. Shripatrao was childless. So, Shahu gave the office of the Pratinidhi to his younger brother Jagjivanrao alias Dadoba on 17 December 1746. Yamaji Shivdeo was appointed as his Mutalik (representative). This Yamaji Shivdeo became a staunch opponent of the Peshwa.

Naro Ram Mantri too died after Shahu in 1750. Thus, even while Nanasaheb wished to go to Malwa and Bundelkhand, due to Shahu’s failing health, he was stuck at Satara. Shahu had remained worried that if Nanasaheb left, what would happen with him in Nanasaheb’s absence. In the face of the burden of debt and the issues of his queens, Nanasaheb was his only support. Shahu was completely convinced at that time, that at least Nana was capable of surviving through each and every type of situation, and he did not have a single person equalling Nana. Two months after the above letter, Nanasaheb wrote another letter to Ramchandrababa, “We have already written about the courtly affairs and about Rajashree Shripatrao’s death. Both the mansions have acquired great power. How extensively should one write about that! We are pushing things ahead with whatever tact we can think of. Sometimes we also have to just listen. Sometimes we have to just say yes. Things are moving in this direction here.”

Both of Shahu’s queens would act within the remit drawn up for them by Birubai. The eldest queen Sakwarbai was of a fierce nature. The two queens also had their own favourites among the Sardars– Raghuji was the favourite of the younger Sagunabai and Babuji Naik was favoured by the elder Sakwarbai. The queens’ considerable influence on Shahu decided on the award of Mokasas (territories to the Sardars to sustain their armies). Sakwarbai started getting Maharaj grant her various benefices and assignments and began managing them. Younger queen Sagunabai also then granted benefices and assignments. She would act as per Maharaj’s orders and would take care of his satisfaction. The elder queen was of delicate health. They began to insist upon being treated equally. Whatever was granted to one, that was being demanded in equal measure by the other. The Peshwa’s Mutalik in Satara, Mahadoba Purandare, often counselled the Peshwa about the way the wind was blowing and tried to put his case before Maharaj to the best of his ability. Shahu himself was quite unable to get the queens to stay out of his administration.

Various complainants and applicants from the city began trying to use the influence of these queens. They began depositing the revenue collections from towns etc. with whoever they were aligned with. They began buying Watan rights from the queens. This caused great consternation for Maharaj.

To be continued…

WAR OF JAIPUR THRONE

After the murder of Jyotiba Shinde in Bundelkhand in 1743, the forces of Shinde and Holkar stayed in Malwa for the monsoon to control the province. Nanasaheb dealt with some issues on the west coast and took a couple of hill forts near Junnar belonging to the Nizam. The Nizam, therefore, sent his officer Sayyed Lashkar Khan to meet the Peshwa. This became a nagging issue between the two and Nanasaheb’s departure to the north was delayed until December 1744. By this time, Shinde and Holkar had subdued the Pathan Nawab of Bhopal, who then agreed to pay his annual tribute. They next laid siege to the fort of Bhilsa (Vidisha). In March 1745, the fort was captured and the treaty with the Nawab of Bhopal led to a cession of fifteen districts to the Peshwa besides a yearly payment of tribute. The ruler of Orchha was made to pay a tribute in money and elephants, and half of his territory was annexed. In his third campaign to the north in 1745, Nanasaheb stationed himself at Vidisha and began sorting out minor revolts in that area.

Ishwari Singh of Jaipur opened discussions with Shinde and Holkar, paid them the army expenses, and brought them to help him. In the month of February 1745, he defeated Madho Singh with this help. The Peshwa and his Sardars both kept up the policy of acquisition of money and did not pay attention to justice. Meanwhile, Ranoji Shinde died in the month of July 1745. After that, some estrangement occurred between his son Jayappa and his steward Ramchandrababa. Due to that the unanimity in the northern policy was disturbed.

In August 1746, Malharrao Holkar had written to the Peshwa about an evolving crisis in the Jaipur succession. He wrote that there was an agreement with the Rana of Udaipur by which Madho Singh was to receive a share of twenty-five lakh rupees, but Jaipur’s incumbent ruler Ishwari Singh was blocking it. Holkar advised the Peshwa that nobody from Delhi would join Ishwari Singh or object to any action against him, and that even nobles like Mansoor Ali Khan and Aamir Khan were in favour of Madho Singh. The letter reveals Holkar’s aim as early as 1746 to help Madho Singh gain the kingdom of Jaipur, which he claimed by virtue of being the son of an Udaipur princess.

Madho Singh and his uncle Jagat Singh did not quit the pursuit of their objectives. Meanwhile, Bundi’s Umed Singh Hada also lost his kingdom and he joined Madho Singh. On 4 October 1746, meeting at Nathdwara, they discussed many plans. They opened discussions with Malharrao Holkar and sought his help.

Along with the Jaipur dispute, the Maratha operations in the Gwalior region continued under Vitthal Shivdeo Vinchurkar. On 27 January 1747, he wrote to Shinde and Holkar that he had captured the fort of Antri, just south of Gwalior after a siege of a month and a half and was now working to capture the Narwar fort.

Malharrao sent his son Khanderao and attempted to broker some kind of compromise. But that could not get implemented, and the affair came to a head. Jaipur’s experienced and hereditary Dewan Khatri Aayamal, who has also been referred to in the documents with names Rajamal or Malji, died on 9 February 1747, and his son Keshavdas assumed the office of Jaipur’s Pradhan. Since then, the Maratha relationship with the Jaipur throne fell into disrepair.

The Rana of Udaipur sent his own envoy to meet the Peshwa to canvas for the cause of Madho Singh. The Peshwa was informed that Ishwari Singh had failed to hand over the promised territory to his brother. The Peshwa had taken Ishwari Singh’s side before this. Opposing that, Malharrao now took up Madho Singh’s side in hope of securing some money. The Peshwa fell into a dilemma.

Ishwari Singh was joined by Jayappa Shinde while Madho Singh was supported by Malharrao Holkar. The two Maratha Sardars were now in an open confrontation with each other. Ishwari Singh’s two commanders, Narayandas and Hargovind, attacked Madho Singh and the Rana on the battlefield of Rajmahal. The battle began on 1 March 1747, and went on for two days. “Ishwari Singh emerged victorious. He captured much plunder from Madho Singh’s contingent. Ranaji’s force ran away. Many people died on both sides. Khanderao Holkar was standing to a side. He was killed by Narayandasji.”

Ishwari Singh, supported by Shinde defeated Madho Singh with Holkar’s army and claimed the throne. After this, Jagat Singh sued for peace, which was accepted by Ishwari Singh, and he returned to Jaipur after the roaring success. A terrible famine was going on this year in the north. Due to this failure, Maharana became extremely dejected, and began pressing Malharrao for help.

To be continued…

NIZAM’S CARNATIC CAMPAIGN

In the last decade of the seventeenth century, the Marathas took the battle to the Mughals in the Carnatic under the effervescent leadership of Santaji Ghorpade. Santaji seemingly appeared out of nowhere and trapped ponderous Mughal armies and even attacked the camp of the Badshah Aurangzeb. His fall from Chhatrapati Rajaram’s favour followed by his assassination in 1698, ended the meteoric career of this great Maratha Senapati. His son Sidhoji established a principality in the Carnatic, around the forts of Sondur, Gutti, and Gajendragad. Sidhoji’s son Murarrao began his career in the early part of the eighteenth century and maintained a Maratha presence in the Carnatic for well-nigh five decades.

When Raghuji Bhosale quit the Carnatic in 1741 with the person of Chanda Saheb, and a hefty compensation from Nawab Safdar Ali, Murarrao Ghorpade with fourteen thousand troops was left in charge of the fort of Tiruchirappalli. In 1741, Murarrao sent his lieutenant Apparao as Governor of Madurai. Murarrao restored lands belonging to the temples that had been taken away by Chanda Saheb, and moved the deities back to their original place. The people of the region were conciliated and the Nayaks ruling at other places were not disturbed.

By the time the Peshwa and Raghuji went north in the dying months of 1741, Nizam-ul-Mulk had returned to the Deccan to recoup the losses his kingdom had sustained in his absence. A fruitful meeting with Nanasaheb led to the Peshwa getting charge of Malwa, while the Nizam moved on to his capital. The Maratha takeover of the Carnatic directly impinged on his own plans. It is said that he was instrumental in turning the Maratha attention to Bengal to have a relatively free hand in the Carnatic.

The Nawabs in the Carnatic did not accept the Nizam’s rule. Dost Ali had not paid any annual tribute to the Nizam. The Nizam now demanded this tribute from Safdar Ali. The Nizam never looked upon the Arcot Nawab with favour and he resolved to return to the Carnatic to settle affairs in the region. Safdar Ali had to pay an indemnity to the Marathas as well as the Nizam, and he asked his cousin Murtuza Ali to contribute towards it. Murtuza had designs to become the Nawab himself, and it was not long before he plotted to eliminate Safdar Ali. Murtuza’s wife was Safdar Ali’s sister. Murtuza asked her, “Do you require a red veil or a white one?” the latter signifying widowhood.

Safdar Ali’s sister chose the red. Murtuza then told her, “Thy brother Safdar Ali Khan waits for an opportunity to destroy me. If you can, bore a tunnel of trick to murder him.”

He then invited Safdar Ali to the fort of Vellore for the Shab-i-Baraat festival, which fell on 5 October 1742, when even the guards in the palace were granted leave. At dinner, Murtuza Ali’s wife then served her brother poisoned soup, who seeing his sister’s seal on it, drank it without suspicion.

The poison, however, failed to kill Safdar Ali, and Murtuza sent assassins led by a Hussein Khan Tahir to kill him in his bed chamber. Murtuza then proceeded to Arcot and declared himself the new Nawab. Murarrao Ghorpade, however, declared war on Murtuza Ali for killing a Maratha ally. Within a matter of ten days, the Arcot army also joined the Marathas, and Murtuza had to flee to Vellore disguised in female attire. The son of Safdar Ali, who was a mere boy, was appointed the new Nawab with the title Saadatullah Khan II.

With an intention of breaking the back of this revolt, collecting his own unpaid tribute of so many years, removing Raghuji’s security forces set up everywhere, and establishing his own control over the Carnatic, the Nizam embarked on a campaign to Carnatic along with a huge force from Golconda, in the month of January 1743.

The chaotic state of the region had already led to many nobles in Arcot writing to the Nizam to come and set matters right. Before the Nizam acted, in the first week of March 1743 he met the Maratha envoy Bagaji Yadav. Bagaji reported the outcome of the meeting to the Peshwa, “The Nizam said, ‘I am now eighty years old. So far, I have always fulfilled all my commitments. God has, therefore, protected my public image and esteem. I do not intend to go (march) to Pune or Satara. Our affection for each other remains. You need to go to Malwa. I have to perform my duties too.’”

The letter hints at a tacit agreement to not attack each other’s territory. The Peshwa was thus free to go north to Malwa, while the Nizam would be free to execute his plans. Then, with a mighty army of two hundred thousand men on foot and eighty thousand horse, the Nizam marched south and took charge of Arcot. The boy Nawab swore allegiance to him and was confirmed in his post.

In Pondicherry, Governor Dupleix took note of the Nizam’s invasion. None of the European powers assumed that they could be a match to the Indian princes at this stage; an Empire was the last thing on their minds. He wrote to Orry, Comptroller General in Paris, about the fresh invasion, while begging for more funds to buy expensive cotton for export, “the Marathas have not returned to this province, but Nizam-ul-Mulk has come with an army of more than 300,000 horse and an enormous cortege of elephants, camels etc. He is bringing with him as prisoners all who have incomes from this province. He puts pressure on them to obtain large sums which means so much the less money in the province. Once set at liberty, these ex-prisoners in their turn put the screws on the poor people so that this wretched country is plunged into increasing misery. Cotton is very dear here, and there is a great shortage of capital. It is impossible to find cloth in any quantity, so the difficulty of loading ships is no less than during the Maratha invasions.”

To be continued…

EFFECTS ON MAHARASHTRIAN LIFE

The twenty-year-old Peshwa led an army north for the first time in 1740 and met Sawai Jaisingh at Dhaulpur. The very next year he went north again and camped in Bundelkhand. Here, he saw the life of the nobles, the customs, the wealth of the region, the people, their religiosity, and their forms of entertainment.

With the Mughal Empire in decline, the grant-notifications of Malwa in hand, and Bundelkhand, Gujarat as well as Carnatic subjugated to the Maratha rule, the Pandit Pradhan had the leisure to observe the differences between the arid poor region around Pune, and the faraway rich lands his armies governed. He found many deficiencies in his capital city, the way people led their lives, their artistic accomplishments as well as aesthetic pursuits.

The Peshwa was young, he had been bequeathed an Empire earned by his father and uncle. His monarch, in the fourth decade of his reign, was getting old. The young Peshwa had dreams and ambitions, and the more he travelled to the distant parts of the country, the more he thought of the condition of his land and people.

The huge campaigns the Peshwa indulged in in the initial one-and-a-half to two years of his reign in the north Hindustan, and the campaigns he indulged in afterwards, did not show much effect as compared to the expectations. The grant-notifications about Malwa and Gujarat had fallen into his hands. Still, it was taking time for the Maratha dominance to be established in Bundelkhand. Raghuji Bhosale’s affair did not quiet down. The whole of the West Bangla country up to the Gangasagar (Bay of Bengal) in the east, fell under the Maratha projection. But many more efforts and bloodshed were due before all that affair culminated. One huge and most important outcome of these campaigns was that the new Peshwa actually realised the details of the strings of the political activities of the whole of north Hindustan; the objectives of various actors, their different actions; and about the overall situation. On the other hand, the northern officials saw a detailed demonstration of the Maratha capability and power. Due to this, both the parties realised the way the future course of political set up was to be driven. This seems to be the outcome of these campaigns. Here onwards, the Peshwa began to display his real capability. Days of tentative groping and stepping ahead were left behind. It became easy for the ultimate fruit of Bajirao’s valour and enterprise to fall into the Maratha hands. Ramchandrababa, Mahadoba Purandare etc. many other persons became capable to take care of the future administrative responsibilities. Sakharam Bapu Bokil began earning initial experiences in his life.

The above description relates the way the Peshwa succeeded in his activities purely on the basis of diplomacy without troubling anybody with armed struggle. Still, the experiments to drive the Marathas away had been going on from the beginning. On 25 May 1743, the ambassador at Jaipur wrote to Shinde, “Entering into an agreement at the Delhi court, and accepting the responsibility, Gulab Singh has come here, with a mission to threaten you, secure the forts and infantry, join with the Bundelas, and together capture whole Bundelkhand and Malwa by defeating the Ganim (Marathas). Bhadawar’s castellan has defeated Naro Shankar. Therefore, there should be no mistake in the security. Protect the outposts you have acquired.”

Naro Shankar was more powerful than everybody. He and Shindes subdued all the Bundelas and straightened them up. The above letter proves that the Orchha’s ruler murdered Jyotiba in the month of November 1742, and Naro Shankar vanquished them at the beginning of 1743. While returning, the Peshwa had also warned Malharrao Holkar in this relation. The Peshwa had informed him, that the Bundela kings would try and delay as much as possible, and he should thoughtfully resolve the tasks of Chanderi and Datia. Malharrao accepted it. After the Peshwa returned to the Deccan, on 23 September 1743, Sawai Jaisingh died, at the age of fifty-five. Due to this, these friendly relations between the Rajput and Marathas which had lasted for forty years, went on diminishing going forward.

The Peshwa earned and brought with him much money from this long campaign in the north Hind, and repaid the Chhatrapati’s debts. Hereafter, a river of funds began flowing from the north to the south. Nanasaheb’s interest in developing Pune into a capital city that would rival the cities of the north, perhaps arose very early in his reign. From Bundelkhand, he wrote an extraordinary letter to Nana Purandare on 26 December 1742, and opened his heart about what he saw and what he wished to achieve. A striking example of excellent Marathi prose of the times, the letter also reveals the Peshwa’s mind. In it, the Peshwa’s blythe, tasteful nature, intellectual and hopeful demeanour is expressed perfectly. Nanasaheb wrote about the regions in the north, “’To Chiranjeev Rajashree Nana (Purandare) from Balaji Bajirao Pradhan, many blessings. In this province, the ancient Hindu kings are proficient in Sanskrit, deplore the company of courtesans and liquor, are wealthy for seven generations, are well-versed in the arts, have consorts from their own castles, who are also experts and have won over their senses. They seem slightly more in control of their bodily demands too. Their style is a bit inclining towards becoming connoiseurs of art forms; extending courtesies to Gods and Brahmins, just observing it, any non-religious person would also be inspired towards spirituality. The singers here, sing in their unwavering voices, strictly as per the scriptural teachings, they know their Vedas and Shastras well too. The rulers are devoid of any selfish expectations; nursing almost an aversion to enjoyment of the fruits of their prosperity; numerous are their disciples; if one observes from an intellectual and close perspective, these seem to be our greatest brothers in this country; however observing at a high level, they might seem a little uninteresting.

“The gardens and flowers and lotuses here, one cannot count. Seeing their bright appearance, one feels one should pray that they come to our own country. However, perceiving our land to be alien to theirs, even after our prayers, they do not agree to come.”

To be continued…

NEWAI CAMPAIGN

While a conducive situation was getting created for further expansion of the Peshwa’s enterprise of Hindupadpaadshahi in the north, Chhatrapati Shahu’s strength began depleting and the Peshwa’s heart grew concerned. Due to Sawai Jaisingh’s death, the Rajput kings were left without an elderly and strong leader. Even the Mughal Empire began losing its strength. Until he was alive, he had acted as a big check to the Marathas. In the leaderless state after him, Shinde and Holkar had become powerful in the north. They began getting approached for various political moves. A fratricidal struggle erupted between Jaisingh’s sons in relation to the Jaipur throne, and the Marathas were approached to take up the risky responsibility of resolving it. In 1746-47, the Maratha power in Bundelkhand was consolidated. Malwa already belonged to them. Only Rajputana remained. This was an opportunity that knocked all by itself to bring that too under their control.

The year 1747 saw the murder of Nadir Shah in his camp in Persia and the rise of Ahmedshah Abdali in Kandahar (Abdali is a tribe of Pashtuns in Afghanistan). Abdali’s first act was to march on Kabul, march into the Punjab, and obtain a tribute from Lahore. The situation, coming barely eight years after Nadir Shah’s sack of Delhi, saw the ailing Badshah Mohammedshah (suffering from a rectal ailment as referenced by a letter from Sadashivrao Bhau) send Shehzada Ahmedshah with Mansoor Ali Khan and Ishwari Singh to face the threat. The impending threat saw Mohammedshah also request the help of the Marathas, and in the month of December 1747, Shahu ordered the Peshwa to go and meet the Badshah at Delhi. In the battle fought from 3 March 1748 at Manupur near Sirhind, Vazir Kamruddin Khan was killed in the opening salvo of the battle hit by a cannon-ball. Abdali was defeated and went back. It was the bravery of Mansoor Ali Khan that helped push Abdali back. For his bravery, Mansoor Ali Khan was given the title of Safdarjung. However, Ishwari Singh fled the battlefield and lost his reputation as a warrior. The Badshah did not feel the need to take the Peshwa’s assistance. Badshah himself was able to drive Abdali away.

This campaign by the Peshwa is termed Newai Campaign. The Peshwa embarked on the campaign leaving Pune on 10 December 1747 and returned on 9 July 1748. Nanasaheb was probably dispatched hearing rumours about Pathan Abdali invading India, to go and help the Badshah, and ensure that any incident like the Nadir Shah’s campaign did not befall the Empire. There was a second reason to leave Satara at this time. Shahu’s debts had to be paid and the only way the Peshwa could bring in money was from a campaign. Shahu ordered the Peshwa in January 1748, wherein he had to arrange for paying a debt of twenty lakh rupees standing against the Maharaj’s name. The amount was to be paid in instalments of five lakh each in specified months over the next year.

After this, the Peshwa went to Delhi to meet the Badshah. The Peshwa first reached Delhi with his army. However, by then the battle of Manupur was over. He met Mohammedshah and affirmed that he would help him whenever needed. The news of this meeting pleased Shahu in his last days. “The Badshah accepted Shrimant’s service. He asked the Shrimant, whatever he desired, he should present the demands in writing. Upon that the Shrimant answered, he would submit them after the Hazrat achieves victory. Once the task for which he had arrived was accomplished, he would follow-up about his own objectives. Due to this, the Badshah became very happy. Maharaj heard the news report at Satara and praised the Peshwa profusely. He was satisfied. He said, (the Peshwa) had gone to Delhi upon his orders, had satisfied the Badshah, which was an excellent achievement.”

This shows that this meeting between the Peshwa and Badshah could have happened in the month of February (March 1748?).

Since the Peshwa had gone to meet the Badshah, the old Nizam got frightened. At the beginning of 1748, he spread a rumour that he would go to Surat and capture the Gujarat province.

The Peshwa returned from Delhi to Jaipur. Just after Abdali was repelled at Manupur, the Peshwa was required to personally deal with the succession at Jaipur which was pending a solution since the death of Sawai Jaisingh. Both the claimants had sent their representatives to Pune seeking Nanasaheb Peshwa’s help. “Sawai Jaisingh’s younger son Madho Singh was granted four Mahals from Ishwari Singh. An agreement was officiated to maintain friendly relations by respecting brotherhood. The agreement amounted to ten lakh rupees. Malharrao Holkar gave a written guarantee on 30 April 1748. The next day it was agreed that the Peshwa should be given three lakh rupees and Mahadaji Ambaji, twenty-five thousand rupees for officiating the agreement.”

To be continued…

SUKHTHANKAR & CHANDRACHUD

There was a Bundela Sardar named Arjun Singh Raja Dhandhere. Since his province was captured forcefully by Sabha Singh, he had arrived at Pune to seek the Peshwa’s help. He sat in front of the Peshwa’s house in protest from 1743 up to 1746. Meanwhile, Sabha Singh enticed Arjun Singh’s elder son to align with him, and began a war with the younger one. The battles went on for two to three months. Having left no other option, the younger son committed Johar and laid down his life. The dispute went on growing. Arjun Singh was sitting at Pune with such tenacity, that the Peshwa could not but try resolving his problem. Sabha Singh was his benefactor on one hand, while on the other hand, Arjun Singh had kept tenaciously demanding succour. Caught between the two, the Peshwa could not think of a resolution of this dispute. So, he asked Shinde-Holkar to resolve the matter by writing many request letters. “Arjun Singh has come to seek our succour. Four years have gone past. Ignoring him would be inappropriate. So, we should allow him to enjoy whatever villages and fortresses he used to have before. Do not add or take away anything. Ensure that this settlement is done under the treaty that is being agreed with Sabha Singh. In the year that we went to Bengal, Sabha Singh had captured one of Arjun Singh’s locations which should be returned back to him. If his elder son comes for your meeting, refuse to meet him, and settle Arjun Singh in his rightful place. We have given him our word (28 October 1746).” It is not clear what was the conclusion of this affair.

As much as his bravery and valour was effective in stabilising the Maratha power in Malwa and Bundelkhand, there is no doubt, that the diplomatic wisdom of Ramchandrababa Sukhthankar was also equally effective. Many Sardars and diplomats kept on working in this region for ten to twenty years continuously. But in all of them, the Peshwa primarily trusted this Ramchandrababa. Ramchandrababa used to manage the policies of all the rulers in the north, kept all the Sardars like Shindes, Holkars and others happy, and would enjoin them in the central policy, since Bajirao’s time. The main ideas and instructions issued by the Peshwa are seen to be issued to Ramchandrababa. The Peshwa would entrust him with risky responsibilities through his letters or meeting him often. The Peshwa stationed so many people like Govind Ballal, Antaji Mankeshwar, Dado Bheemsen, etc. on the northern responsibilities, but the moment he got the opportunity, Ramchandrababa’s creative mind primarily flourished and proved to be useful. He was an understanding, quiet, and calculative man. Thinking with foresight, and perfectly recognising in which outcome the end profit or loss lay, he got various kinds of objectives accomplished through everyone, using his soft ways. He brought a kind of firm solidity to the Maratha control. The work that he carried out in the north, he later repeated in the administration at Pune, and accomplished many things that proved to be beneficial to the kingdom, under the auspices of Nanasaheb and Bhausaheb.

His equal in ability, appointed by the same Peshwa, there was a steward serving Holkar family named Gangadhar Yashwant (Chandrachud). But he could never work like Ramchandrababa. However, Gangadhar Yashwant had an inherent warrior wisdom, which Ramchandrababa did not have. Both of them were stewards appointed by the Peshwa. So, in a way, they were reins from the hands of Peshwa. These stewards appointed by the Peshwa would ensure that the Sardars were kept within their remit, if they began hurting the primary objectives through their selfish interests or their adamant nature. Sakharam Bapu could be termed as a disciple of this Ramchandrababa. Sakharam Bapu was the later rein that was applied to Raghunathrao. Another disciple of Ramchandrababa was Bhausaheb.

Ranoji and Ramchandrababa used to absolutely dote over each other through a lifelong friendship. This was disturbed later during Jayappa’s time. The moment the Peshwa thought it would hurt the objective, he recalled both to Pune and reasoned with them. One of the letters mentions, “Jayappa and Ramchandrababa were given leave to depart. At the end, (Shrimant) whispered to them separately, that they both hold appropriate perspective towards the other and act accordingly. After the two bade farewell and left, only Sakharampant, Bhau, me, Dada and father Nana were left behind. Nana spoke to Dada, ‘Vadaj Khair Ki (everything seems normal hereafter)?’ Dada replied, ‘Khairach Aahe (Right!)’ The subtext was, while reasoning with both of them, one of them would use comic timing, while the other would speak strictly, this was demonstrated that day.”

From such letters Nanasaheb’s skill to get things accomplished sometimes through friendly banter, while sometimes through awe of his office. The above incident where Jayappa was convinced seems to have been from 1746-47.

To be continued…

BHILSA (VIDISHA) CAPTURED

After coming back from his long campaign in 1743, the Peshwa had decided to again go back on another campaign in the north towards the end of the year to complete the unfinished tasks there. But due to many other reasons, it was not possible for him to step out for one whole year. He wrote to Shinde and Holkar on 11 December 1744, “The security of Konkan province will be established in due course of time. This side, there have been some clashes with the Bundelas. You have written that Dussehra went past, even Diwali did, but we did not embark on the campaign, which was relayed through your letter. What you have written is correct. We also intended to quickly come back there. But there was a courtly issue; it felt like a dispute would arise with the Nizam-ul-Mulk; and we are also trying to set the Konkan administration on its feet. We are trying to settle down the Nawab’s heart in peace. Sayyed Lashkar Khan had arrived from his side. He met us near the Ghod River in front of Malthan. After resolving these complications, we will come there. After that, the task of resolving the matters pertaining to the Bundelas will be taken up as per your wishes. We had to stay back to secure the position at court and due to the Nizam’s affair. Otherwise, we would have reached the Narmada by now.”

This shows the worries the Peshwa was facing in the Deccan. The affairs like Shahu’s old age, the disputes amongst his Queens, the trouble Angres were proving to be in the Konkan, and the Nizam’s invasion in the Carnatic and Baglan provinces were not giving the Peshwa a moment’s peace.

Shinde and Holkar were continuing with the task of securing the erstwhile agreements from the Badshah and Jaisingh through Mahadevbhat Hingne. But it could not be persisted with. The task of bringing all of north Hindustan under their control was not as friable as considered before. Only because Shinde and Holkar settled themselves firmly in Malwa, the Maratha power acquired some sort of permanence there. But Antaji Mankeshwar and Govind Ballal were proving unable to collect the agreed annual tributes also from Bundelkhand. The king of Orchha had killed Ranoji’s son, whereupon Naro Shankar was appointed there. For the next three to four years, various kinds of disorder arose in Bundelkhand and the Marathas had to engage in many huge battles there. The Peshwa’s attention was constantly drawn to those affairs. He marched off to north Hindustan towards the end of 1744. This campaign is called as the Sironj-Bhilsa campaign. Before he arrived in Malwa, Shindes had set up mines under Bhilsa. On Monday, 11 March 1745, the Peshwa standard flew atop the fort. But the treaty with the principal there did not get agreed upon till the very end. It looks like Bhilsa was captured from Bhopal’s Nawab Yaar Mohammed Khan. After the office of Subedar of Malwa was acquired by the Marathas, it was necessary for them to acquire the central military outpost of Bhilsa from the Mughals.

Bhopal’s Nawab Dost Mohammed Khan Pathan had been managing the administration there since the time of Bahadurshah. When the Marathas began campaigning in that region, he also progressively turned into their feudatory. Bhilsa was under his control. Upon Dost Mohammed Khan’s death in 1736, his son Yaar Mohammed Khan became the Nawab of Bhopal. After his death in 1753, his son Faiz Mohammed Khan assumed control of administration. He also accepted the status of feudatory of the Marathas through a specific agreement to pay them the tribute. This principality lasted till independence. The Peshwa entered into an agreement with Faiz Mohammed Khan through Pilaji Jadhavrao, according to which he was granted around 15 Mahals in Bhilsa as per a document dated 2 March 1745 (? Probably 1755).

The Peshwa stayed at Bhilsa for quite some time and resolved the affairs pertaining to the Badshah, Rajput principalities, Malwa, and Bundelkhand etc. This is why this campaign is named as Bhilsa Campaign. In this whole enterprise of the campaign, numerous big and small Sardars of varying capabilities participated. The internal malaise amongst the Maratha Sardars working in the project of Malwa-Bundelkhand was on the rise. Only three amongst all other Sardars, Shinde, Holkar, and Pawar, were the ones who had permanently stayed back there. The disputes about mutual distribution of the region seem to have arisen amongst these three. The affairs pertaining to the smaller Bundela principalities at Datia, Chanderi, Jaitpur, Kalinjar, Panna etc. went on for years on end. However, Bhopal’s Yaar Mohammed Khan Rohilla and his son Faiz Mohammed Khan Rohilla were aligned at this time.

The after-effects of this campaign by the Peshwa were written down by Damodarpant Hingne on 23 June 1745 to his brother as follows, “Blessings to Chiranjeev Purushottamji and Diwakarji. Place of stay Bhilsa, the camp of Pantapradhan’s army. When we were given leave to depart by the Sovereign from the imperial camp, Shrimant was presented with an elephant, horse, protocol robes, gemstones and Firman. We were given an elephant, protocol garments, and a gemstone encrusted ring. From there, we proceeded to Delhi, took leave from revered Bapu (father), and arrived in (Peshwa’s) camp. We met the Shrimant in Bundelkhand. He erected the protocol Firmanbadi, received the Badshah’s graces and was extremely satisfied. After that he wrapped up the affairs of the Bundelas and marched off to homeland. We are also coming to our land along with him. Revered Bapu is safe with the Badshah. Here too, Shrimant and other Sardars have blessed us with their ample graces.”

To be continued…

PESHWA-RAGHUJI AGREEMENT

The clamour about the dispute between the Peshwa and Raghuji Bhosale had risen excessively outside similar to the erstwhile Dabhade affair. Shahu had become extremely frightened that these two powerful Sardars would fight amongst themselves, and would destroy the prestige of the kingdom. But whatever documents are available describing this struggle, prompt one to speculate that this whole display of animosity had been put up for the deception of the Badshah and Aliwardi Khan on purpose. Both of them clashed in battles two to four times. The Peshwa and Raghuji met secretly once near Gwalior and another time at Gaya. The Peshwa’s main intention was to establish Maratha control all over Hindustan, and implementing the Chauth rights was a symbol of the enterprise. The Mughal officials would not accept these Maratha demands through peaceful negotiations without displaying some kind of military force. Therefore, the Peshwa and Raghuji had distributed their areas of action amongst themselves, and had been working accordingly. In that, there were some incidents where they invaded each other’s territories. After such incidents, both of them got convinced, that there were heavy losses with hardly any benefit in opposing each other. Reconciling would help both of them and the kingdom to survive. Both of them had mediators who also reasoned with them. Shahu himself urgently called both of them back and officiated the reconciliation.

Raghuji’s representative Konherram Kolhatkar was at Satara. Raghuji wrote to him from Nagpur on 17 July 1743, “Immediately after returning to Nagpur from Bengal, we have dispatched detailed letters reporting the events there. In response to them, your letter and the Maharaj’s order letters have arrived. We have been ordered to come and meet him. For that, we had thought of riding off right away. But Bhaskarram had been kept in Bengal. We were waiting for him. Presently, he has arrived two to three stops behind the Peshwa’s army, taking the same route. Once his force reached him via Malwa, the above-mentioned (Peshwa), took Seoni-Chhaparia route and taking the usual stops, came to meet us. We both met, and there is no problem now. We will arrive for meeting the Swami taking the usual stops.”

Along with Nanasaheb, Pilaji Jadhavrao too had gone to Satara. On 2 August 1743, he informed Ramchandrababa, “The reconciliation between Shrimant and Daruni Mahal (Maharaj’s queens) has occurred. The formal protocol robes are yet to be given. Once that ceremony completes in eight to ten days, we will immediately proceed to Pune. Presently, where are you, what is your plan, do write whether you will set up camp there or come back to homeland.” This reconciliation with Daruni Mahal pertained to the misunderstanding that Queen Sagunabai had formed about the Peshwa in relation to Raghuji Bhosale (her relative). It was resolved.

After coming to Satara, hardly any time was lost for the reconciliation between the Peshwa and Raghuji. Shahu resolved their dispute and fixed the areas of action as well as the overall arrangement as follows.

1. The erstwhile Mokasa (revenue rights) and Jagirs that the Peshwas had earned; the administration of Konkan and Malwa provinces; the tributes from Agra, Prayag, and Ajmer; three Tehsils from the Patna province; and the Inam villages falling within Raghuji’s territory granted to the Peshwa apart from the twenty-thousand rupees out of the receipts from the Carnatic, these items were to be considered rightfully belonging to the Peshwa. Nobody should object to this.
2. The rights of tribute from the areas Lucknow, Bahar (Bihar), and Painbengal (Bengal plains), apart from the region from Berar up to Cuttack, should belong to Raghuji. The Peshwa or anybody else should not object to it.

Working within these bounds, nobody should raise any disputes against anybody else. The offerings acceptable in the government treasury from those provinces were also agreed upon. A friendship was brought about amongst the two, and celebratory feasts were held. He got both of them to pledge at his feet that nobody should hold any untoward thought about the other. Both feasted under the government, presented each other with gifts, and Maharaj bade them farewell with these feasts and honours. The Peshwa too decided a different course of action in relation to Gadhamandala. Besides, Shahu also agreed with the Peshwa independently in this relation on 16 January 1744, which is also important.

To be continued…