MUDAGAD & RAJKOT

Before the Manikgad affair of Manaji was resolved, Tulaji’s activities became unbearable. Towards the end of 1747, Tulaji Angre captured Mudagad and had wrought a huge havoc in the Konkan and plateau realms belonging to Vishalgad’s Pratinidhi, Bawda’s Pant Amatya Bhagwantrao, Wadi’s Sawant, and the Peshwa.

Going back to 1735, Bajirao Peshwa had promised Sambhaji Angre that he would not attack the fort of Mudagad, which lay strategically on one of the three Ghat paths from the kingdom of Kolhapur towards Vijaydurg. The fort commanded a large territory encompassing the fiefs of several Sardars of Kolhapur and Satara. However, to safeguard these areas, Bajirao broke his promise and demolished Mudagad. And this was not forgotten by Sambhaji or Tulaji Angre.

The Mudagad Fort is on the face of Sahyadri, at the mouth of Kajirda Ghat. In 1747, just after the death of Shripatrao Pratinidhi of Satara, Tulaji returned to the mountain and rebuilt fort Mudagad. From this perch in the Sahyadri mountains, Tulaji then began to attack territories of the potentates who were friendly to the Peshwa. Tulaji first moved towards Vishalgad fort and laid siege to it. The surrounding villages were taken over and taxes were levied, one of which was called the Habshipatti (a tax levied on account of the Habshi or Siddis).

The Peshwa wrote to Tulaji asking him not to charge the tax on the territory. He reminded Tulaji that even his father Kanhoji never collected taxes or troubled the people in this area. Brahmendra Swami also wrote to Bhagwantrao Amatya stating it is everybody’s desire to punish Tulaji, and taking the help of Sawants and the Pratinidhi, this should be done. It became clear that only an armed intervention would force Tulaji to leave the area.

One of the employees with the Pratinidhi was a Naro Rayaji Gode. Gode volunteered to go to the Sawants and raise men to join the army against Tulaji. Accordingly, Gode brought two thousand men from the Wadi’s Sawants and with the three thousand men from the Pratinidhi, formed an army. Tulaji’s brother Yesaji alias Appaji Angre joined the above rulers and fought against him. Gode personally led the attack on Mudagad. The battle was fierce, but Gode won a complete victory. He then proceeded to demolish the fort completely, ploughing it with an ass and marking the spot with “a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie” (Vahan-Kowrie means a torn sandal and a broken Kowrie tied together as a symbol of desertion of a place). Then, Appaji Angre, along with the Pratinidhi, Amatya and Sawant, devastated Tulaji’s territory from Rajapur to Sangameshwar. From the month of January 1748 up to March 1748, this campaign occurred including many big and small battles.

Here, Shahu himself was also unhappy about Manikgad affair, and in early 1748 wrote to Sadashivrao Bhau to return the fort to Manaji Angre. Shahu wrote, “The fort of Manikgad and the surrounding region belonging to Manaji Angre was taken by you and it should be returned immediately. You have the Deshmukhi of Chaul, however, you are not running it well. This should first be done. The revenue from Kalyan and Bhiwandi amounting to fifteen thousand per year should also reach us. The Wajaratmab (Manaji Angre) is an old and loyal servant of the king. You should help him in any way you can. The moment you receive this letter, without further delay, the fort must be returned. In this manner, you will not disturb the goodwill towards you from the king and the two Wadas (mansions / queens). You are prudent enough.”

On losing Manikgad, Manaji countered by seeking help from the Portuguese at Rajkot, his fort near Chaul (which had three forts, Rajkot was with Manaji, while Revdanda and Korlai were with the Peshwa). While Tulaji Angre was struggling to save Mudagad, the Peshwa was fighting with Manaji at Chaul’s Rajkot. Chaul harbour originally belonged to the Portuguese. When Vasai fell, they had given it to the British. But the Peshwa felt that he should capture it. When the Peshwa captured Manikgad and other stations belonging to Manaji Angre, he opposed the Peshwa and went to Chaul to the Portuguese seeking their succour. A letter from Ramaji Mahadev gives some details of Manaji Angre taking away some ships of the Peshwa’s navy and his own countermeasures. Manaji’s brother Appaji Angre was also with Ramaji at this time and intriguing with the men at Rajkot, “I have asked Shankarpant to come from Ghodbunder to Thal so that Manaji himself will come and oppose us. Once he does, we will defeat him all at once. Between Vasai and Thane, we have six Ghurabs and thirty Galbats and some smaller boats. Appaji Angre is working on the politics in Rajkot. Near Revdanda, Manaji himself with nine ships came face to face with Bajirao Belose. There was a battle. His own ship sprung many a leak, and he was defeated.”

Revdanda was a short distance to the south of Rajkot. Manaji began a massive cannonade from Rajkot on Revdanda. Ramaji wrote to the Peshwa that the fire was intolerable. He decided then to bring his armada into Revdanda harbour, and fire at Rajkot from the ships, while an attacking party attacks by land. Ramaji assured the Peshwa that the harbour at Revdanda was so good that the armada would be safe even if Tulaji or the Portuguese came to help Manaji. Rajkot was captured soon after. Manaji himself led the defence at Rajkot, however, he had to flee in the face of the strong Maratha attack. A minaret in a mosque at Rajkot had been used to fire guns at the Maratha navy. On 15 January 1748, Rajkot and the mosque were captured, and the Peshwa’s permission sought to demolish them.

Ramaji Mahadev fought with both the Portuguese and the British, “besieged Chaul’s Rajkot. On 15 January 1748, the high fortress and the Masjid within were captured through the prowess of Swami’s virtues. The fortress and the Masjid should be destroyed. Then Manaji Angre will not trouble much and come to meet face-to-face.”

To be continued…

WESTERN COAST

The Arabs and the Maratha coastal seafarers were perhaps the last to enter the lucrative business of attacking ships with goods for easy money. The Arabs and the Portuguese fought many wars, and once the Arabs even attacked Diu. The anarchic conditions in the second half of the seventeenth century extended to the provinces of Bengal and Bihar, where Mughal Governors came down heavily on the Europeans.

The Marathas were one of the few seafaring people in India who assembled a fleet of warships. The long Indian coastline was difficult to guard and in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the arrival of the Portuguese, the Dutch, the British, and the French led to a chain of ports used by the trading companies, from Chandernagore in Bengal to the ports of Gujarat. The lucrative trade in Indian cotton, silk, pepper, and the market for European goods in India, brought European companies to Indian shores either by acts of Parliament as in the case of England, or through companies managed by the king, as in the case of the French or the Portuguese. Bit by bit, these early adventurers who voyaged over huge distances across uncharted seas, surviving shipwrecks and disease, came to India to make big fortunes through trade. The entire East was open for trade and the goods brought huge profits back home in Europe.

Bit by bit, the Europeans began to build factories and forts, and imported guns to defend themselves. Later, they were drawn into local conflicts, as in the Carnatic. On India’s western coast, the Portuguese were the first and the most pre-eminent of the seafarers and demanded that anybody plying the sea needed to obtain a passport, or cartez, from them. Gradually, this was challenged, and the British and the Dutch began to ply their ships without a Portuguese cartez.

In the seventeenth century, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj founded his Swarajya and gave a clarion call that the rule of the Bahmani Sultans or the Mughals was anything but ‘self-rule’ and in fact, a period of bondage. The Swarajya of Shivaji Maharaj was etched out from his patrimony in Pune and enlarged to the Konkan coast in 1658, when he captured the town of Kalyan. Here, in the inland waterway of that town, he hired a Portuguese father-and-son surnamed Viegas and some more of their creed to build the first Maratha warships. The Portuguese at Goa did not look kindly at this, and soon asked their countrymen to withdraw. By then, the Marathas had learnt the basics of ship-building. The Maratha Navy was, therefore, founded in 1659. The purpose of the Navy, besides defence, was to protect the merchant vessels that travelled across the Arabian Sea to littoral states. After 1664, many coastal forts were built that gave the Maratha navy safe harbours. The role of the British at Bombay was recognised for the value they brought to goods produced in the Maratha country. Their transgressions were kept in check and from time to time, when they supported either the Mughals or the Sultan of Bijapur, they were punished.

The Navy grew over the next twenty years, and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj is known to have gone by the sea to attack the port of Basnoor in the Bijapur kingdom in the 1670s. The names of the first captains of the navy that come down to us are men like Daryasarang, Maynak Bhandari, and Daulat Khan. Besides the Portuguese, there were the Siddis or Habshis (Abyssinians) – and these men came from Abyssinia and joined the Bijapur kingdom. They held many sea forts, of which the chief was the island of Janjira. The Habshis had acquired sufficient strength to rule over a contiguous piece of land in the Konkan, and along with the Portuguese, indulged in religious oppression of the local populace. Maratha rule over Konkan could only be secured provided the Siddi, the most powerful of the rulers there, be adequately controlled. Without a navy, this was difficult. Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes, “Without a navy, his subjects on the sea-coast and for some distance inland would remain exposed to plunder, enslavement, and slaughter at the hands of the Abyssinian pirates.”

The naval arm of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was thus necessary to check these foreign elements. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj did not just build ships, but many forts along the coast, chief of these were at Colaba, Vijaydurg, and Sindhudurg. On islands near Mumbai, Goa, and Janjira, he erected forts like Padmadurg, Suvarnadurg, and Khanderi to threaten the alien powers. The Maratha navy could boast of two to three hundred ships with six to eighteen guns each. These small ships were easy to manoeuvre and to navigate, some with two masts and larger ships with three masts. Their speed and manoeuvrability gave them an edge over the well-armed larger ships of the Europeans.

After 1680, Sambhajiraje, the son and successor of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, spent many years battling the Siddis and the Portuguese on the Konkan strip. After the Bijapur kingdom was extinguished by Aurangzeb in 1685, the Habshis went over to the Mughals.

To be continued…

SATARA APPREHENSIVE

In Satara during the Peshwa’s absence, Shahu often deferred taking decisions. In January 1736, when the Peshwa was on his way to meet Jaisingh, a letter from the Nizam awaited a reply. However, Shahu said a reply will be sent after the Peshwa returns. “Who knows?” Shahu said, “Bajirao might meet the sovereign (Badshah). They may discuss some things. Hence, let us first hear from the Peshwa.”

However, in his absence, domestic disputes were often blamed on the Peshwa. Chimaji, Mahadaji Purandare, Pilaji Jadhavrao and others had to keep Shahu contented with appropriate measures and explanations. Shahu waited for news from Bajirao during his campaigns; often this news reached him quite late. On the other hand, a string of complaints about the Peshwa reached his ears. When Sambhaji II of Kolhapur attacked Ichalkaranji, Vyankatrao Ghorpade’s base, that noble was away campaigning with the Peshwa. Chimaji, therefore, sent Ramchandra Hari Patwardhan to recapture it. Sambhaji II angrily wrote a complaint to Shahu that the Peshwa’s army was ravaging his territory. On hearing this, Shahu in open Durbar exclaimed, “When do the Prime Minister’s mischiefs end? One, he left for the north without asking me, now he will meet the sovereign and make plans. Earlier, he protected the Habshi at Janjira. He created a divide in the Angre family. Now he sends an army to fight my brother? Then he will not be deterred from fighting with me.” Reporting this, Pilaji Jadhavrao advised Chimaji to recall Ramchandra Hari and keep the Chhatrapati happy and contented.

Shahu and his courtiers were extremely afraid of this adventure. The Nizam was going full steam in his preparations for war. Similar such news reports arrived from the north to the Deccan. “If the Swami says that he would make Kamruddin Khan, the Badshah and all others stumble through surprise, then this plan itself is all-pervading. If thought through properly, it will be accomplished no doubt. But whatever you do, think carefully and completely and then act.” This was the frightened warning that Purandare gave. This shows, how people were afraid to even utter the word of fear in front of Bajirao.

Shinde, Holkar, Pawar and all Sardars were helping Peshwa and competing. “Raya’s virtues have grown so much, that if he takes Hastinapur’s kingdom and gives it to the Chhatrapati, it will also be favoured.” Such was the terror that had spread everywhere.

Seeing that the Peshwa was on a passionate campaign, the Rajput kings etc. were frightened to the core. “Presently Mahadev Bhat Hingne has come to Ranaji. Rajamal who had accompanied him was given goods worth five lakh rupees by Ranaji. He has invited Pradhanpant too urgently. Dado Bhimsen has gone to meet Khan Dauran. The negotiations go on through Ranoji Shinde and Ramchandrababa. The agreement that has been discussed with the Badshah is for twenty lakh rupees cash, forty lakhs worth Jagir in Malwa, and a regular income in the region of Bhopal’s owners.” This expresses the extent to which the Peshwa’s demands had been met.

At about the same time, his mother Radhabai reached Kashi from Mathura. The Peshwa was keen that she returned to Maratha-ruled regions before he embarked on his visit to Rajputana. He wrote to his mother on 25 January 1736, “I am without news about your whereabouts and whether you have returned to Bundelkhand. Complete the pilgrimage soon and return to Bundelkhand. I am waiting for your return even as I go past Lunwada and Dungarpur to Mewar. Days of campaigning are getting over. A major negotiation is on with Delhi. Nijabat Ali Khan from Khan Dauran and Aayamal from Jaisingh are coming and paying for expenses. After they come and a decision is made, I will convey it to you. The main thing is that the Prithvipati (Sovereign / Badshah at Delhi) is keen on a cordial relationship.”

Jaisingh’s Dewan Aayamal, Rajamal and Malji are all names of the same person.

The Peshwa travelled to Mewar via Songad, Dabhoi, Baswada and Dungarpur and reached Udaipur in early February 1736. Maharana Jagat Singh II of Udaipur, belonging to the Sisodia clan from which Chhatrapati Shahu traced his ancestry, came forth to receive the Peshwa. Udaipur had never allied with the Mughals and was considered preeminent among Rajput princes.

To be continued…

WAR CONTINUES

The Nizam-ul-Mulk was anguished to see the Siddi on the backfoot, and the fort of Raigad return to the Maratha control. Since he defeated Mubarij Khan in 1724, and appointed himself as the Mughal Subedar of the Deccan, he was in the bad books of the Badshah. However, that did not prevent him from sending letters to Mohammedshah about various events in the Deccan. At the defeat of the Siddi in 1733, he wrote, “Siddi Yakub Khan was appointed as the Subedar of Danda-Rajpuri and other places. His son was killed. As a result, disturbances broke out. The following were the forts in that region. Surasgad, Avachitgad, Birwadi, Mankot, Ghosala, Malpan, Mandangad, Karwah, Mank and Rajkot. These were the forts of the Empire. There were some other forts too. The Marathas subdued the Habshis. They seized the opportunity and took possession of the forts. The fort of Raheri (Raigad) known as Islamgad is one of the strong forts. It is the capital of Konkan. It was in the possession of Raja Shahu’s ancestors. During the time of Hazrat Khuld Makan it had been captured after a great struggle. The Marathas enticed the garrison with inducement of money and captured it.”

The Nizam ended his letter warning the Badshah of bad days ahead, “They (the Marathas) will spread to other provinces of northern India. It will be very difficult to put down the Marathas. Nobody will be able to contend against them.”

Bajirao’s departure from the Konkan was a signal for Siddi Saat to begin reclaiming his losses. He began by attacking the fort of Bankot, which he quickly captured. His next target was the prestigious fort of Raigad. Shahu, alarmed at this fresh aggression, dispatched Baji Bhivrao, the Somvanshi brothers, and Udaji Pawar to Konkan. A fierce fight ensued at Pachad with the Siddi’s forces, almost to the gate of the fort. In a fierce battle on 10 January 1734, Udaji Pawar killed Siddi Ambar Afwani.

In 1734, “Rajashree dispatched Udaji Pawar over the Shyamal (dark-skinned). Upon this, Siddi Ambar Afwani readied up for battle at Wadi Pachad. He was defeated and Afwani was beheaded. Mahad and Bankot were captured. Raigad siege was forced to be lifted. Then he proceeded to Gowalkot, where he did not agree with Rajashree’s servant Baburao. Therefore, he returned back.” With this battle, the Siddi once again retreated in the face of the Maratha forces.

After Bajirao left, Sambhaji Angre carried forward the Janjira campaign with Shahu’s orders. Shahu was not inclined to stop the war unless Anjanvel and Gowalkot were captured. On 14 January 1734, he wrote to Fond Sawant, “We have ordered Sambhaji Angre to capture Anjanvel by besieging it. Do not cause any trouble to his regions. He won’t trouble you. Naro Ram Mantri has been ordered regarding this. He will write to you.”

Bankot was retaken by Baji Bhivrao on 8 March. Due to the dispute between Sambhaji and Manaji, the Janjira campaign began getting rendered ineffective. The news of Bankot’s capture came on 14 March 1734. However, Shahu and Swami both had not left the Siddis alone yet.

The Marathas had been fighting in this area for four years now. Kondaji Shinde, one of Shahu’s chiefs, wrote to him emphasising their valour in protecting Raigad and winning back Bankot, ending his letter asking for leave: “… many of my men have to get married and have not been home for many years, they know not the poor state of their homes.”

In April 1734, Baji Bhivrao also wrote to the Peshwa, “We have been ordered to go to Gowalkot after winning Bankot. Many of the Kannadigas cannot tolerate the Konkan. Many others are also not happy. I am aware that you are not in charge of this campaign now (but) who else can I write my woes?”

In May 1734, Baji Bhivrao was still fighting at Gowalkot: “Eighty men are killed. Baburao Vaidya died. Many of his men were destroyed. Sambhaji Angre is sitting comfortably at Vijaydurg and does not come to fight. In the rains, the Shyamal (dark-skinned) takes away our pride.”

While the British kept up the pretence of friendship with the Marathas, they surreptitiously helped the Siddi. Many Maratha prisoners had been in British captivity for long. Bajirao’s emissary visited Captain Inchbird in his garden house in Parel at Mumbai in September 1734, and reported how he took the governor to task for helping the Siddi against the Marathas, “Bajirao’s emissary said, ‘You are using Underi to send your ships to loot villages, so you are not implicated. People are saying this is a breach of trust. Do you understand this? The Pantapradhan has written to me in angst. If you say Underi is not yours, then why have you kept your flag there? You think we don’t understand this? You and the Habshi are together. We have lost faith in you. Who is the loser; ask your General to write an answer.’ The next day, the General met me and ordered Siddi Masood (of Surat) be taken in custody and sent out of the city. I said that the Siddi’s word cannot be trusted. It is not enough to send the Siddi away. The one who acted stupidly must be punished so it does not happen again. They are now going to release our men.”

To be continued…

THE MARATHA WEAKNESS

Bankaji’s passionate battle occurred on 8 July. Bankaji displayed extreme tenacity at this time, and only due to that, a battle almost lost turned around and the Marathas secured victory. The moment the Pratinidhi began his own methods, Mathurabai recalled Bankaji from the campaign. Sarlashkar Anandrao Somvanshi was about to leave the Pratinidhi’s force. Shahu had written a letter to him protesting this. Raghunath Hari, who was Bankaji’s aide, wrote to Bajirao and said they were leaving the campaign due to the Pratinidhi’s interference, “When we were at Chiplun, Pratinidhi was wooing us. But we came away. Siddi Saat came to meet him. The Siddi met and deceived the Pratinidhi. Now he (Siddi Saat) has made preparations to fight. The Pratinidhi is gradually learning what the Habshi is like. Eight days later, the Shyamal (dark-skinned) attacks him now and then. Anjanvel is a distant affair, now even Gowalkot looks difficult (to get). Earlier, the Siddi had no help. If the Pratinidhi had not interfered, we would have won both the forts in fifteen days or two. The rains are very heavy. It takes three to four days to cross one river.”

The immediate danger before Siddi Saat passed, and before long heavy rains began lashing the Konkan coast. This gave Siddi Saat the respite to rearrange his army and attack the Pratinidhi. The outcome of differences between the Pratinidhi and Bankaji was that the latter left the campaign and returned to Sekhoji. Sekhoji and the Pratinidhi did not see eye to eye after that and the Pratinidhi had to face Siddi Saat’s aggression alone. The embattled Pratinidhi asked Shahu for help. Shahu in turn wrote to Chimaji Appa to go to the Konkan. However, Chimaji did not do so. An angry Shahu wrote, “If you do not go, I will.”

Finally, Pilaji Jadhavrao was asked to go. Not much was achieved though, and the Pratinidhi’s campaign ended inconclusively. Bajirao was trying really hard to capture Janjira. Much of the realms under Abyssinian control had been captured. Only four to five strong stations like Janjira and Anjanvel remained in their hands. Still, the Siddis were fighting with utmost passion. They worked all over and brought help from outside. They also began discussions to enter into a treaty with Shahu through the Nizam. Since there were some differences between the Pratinidhi and Peshwa, the campaign never acquired the level of strength needed for a victory. They used to complain about each other to the Chhatrapati. To ensure he could get the real story, Shahu had to especially dispatch someone he could trust on the campaign and get the facts straight. Peshwa’s assistant wrote, “Pandurang Govind Prabhu had been sent by Rajashree Swami to Janjira. He arrived yesterday, Friday evening. He related the news to the Swami, that Rajashree Pantapradhan himself informed the Shyamal (dark-skinned), that they should not worry. He would not break their position. He did not want to cross swords with them. Initially he did not want to come on the campaign. But he had to come due to his master’s insistence. Now they should not worry about anything. He would not trouble them. This was what he had informed the Shyamal (dark-skinned). Due to this, the Shyamal (dark-skinned) were fearless. The total number of soldiers in Janjira were five hundred. This general news was related to Rajashree Swami by Pandurang Govind. Hearing all this, he became very sad. Rajashree Narba too was very sad and said, ‘Till today, the Konkanasths have been largely famous for their loyalty, but this incident has broken my misconception.’ Therefore, they were sad. Here, the preparations have begun that Rajashree Swami will himself come to Raigad. Rajashree Narababa would be sent to Rajpuri. Yamaji Shivdeo and Udaji Chavhan will be sent to Anjanvel. Such are the preparations. Rajashree Swami said, that Ambajipant has gone to Rajpuri, if he tells Pradhanpant some good things, and through that if the objective is achieved, then excellent. This is the whole situation here you should be aware of. Pratinidhi is being respected a lot. He is the sole accomplisher of tasks, the whole fount of trust. When the Swami dispatched some encouragement protocol garments and rewards, Rajashree Narba and Yamajipant interceded on your behalf that unless he sent the rewards for Pradhanpant as well, Rao (Pratinidhi) would not accept the same, so upon both their insistence, the rewards were sent for both of you.” This displays the events going on at the time. Such incidents would always create trouble between Bajirao and other diplomats.

Although help from Surat did not reach Janjira till September 1733, Bajirao was worried that the British might send help to the Siddi. He therefore wrote a letter to the British at Mumbai, that they would not permit their fleet to interfere with his operations; and shortly afterwards he invited them to mediate between himself and the Siddi, sending an envoy to them, and another to Rajapur. The British of course, did not help him as he was allied with Angre, their arch enemy. In fact, soon after, they sent four ‘cruisers’ against Angre and in the following year, they also managed to send the Siddi some gunpowder.

To be continued…

RAIGAD RECAPTURED

While supporting Siddi Abdul Rehman at Danda-Rajpuri, Bajirao was also keeping an open channel of communication with the Siddi’s men on the fort of Raigad. In a letter to Ambajipant Purandare on 24 May 1733, Bajirao explained the situation for the king’s benefit, “The senior Khanzada died. His son was outside, he is now with us. There are six younger brothers. This boy is clever. Siddi Sambool and Siddi Ambar Afwani are in the fort (Janjira). Twelve hundred men are on the fort, earlier there were just a few. Recently they had help from Anjanvel and Underi. Anjanvel is strong; so is Underi. All four forts have watchful Muslims in them. They have grabbed Mandangad. Rajgad has three to four hundred Muslims and four to five hundred Marathas. The fort is strong, they are fighting. Some messages have also gone up.”

Therefore, to finish this Konkan campaign quickly, Shahu gave additional forces with Sardars like Shrinivasrao Pratinidhi, new Sarlashkar Anandrao Somvanshi, Krishnaji Dabhade etc. around 20 May. Shahu also ordered Udaji Chavhan, Shambhusingh Jadhav, and Sachiv to dispatch their forces to Konkan. As per Shahu’s orders, the Pratinidhi entered Konkan in the month of May. Even while he had been directed there earlier, he was moving quite slowly. On 25 May, the Pratinidhi camped at Mahad. On 26 May 1733 Bajirao once again wrote to Purandare explaining how the campaign can end successfully, “Pratinidhi has come to Mahad, but it is of no use. If he goes to Anjanvel and enforces a siege it will immobilise the Habshi. The Habshi is not an ordinary enemy. Earlier, he had just Janjira, but could not be defeated. But if he has to be destroyed completely, it will need lot of hard work, a blockade from all sides with an armada, lot of money will have to be spent. An army of at least fifteen thousand with five to seven thousand having guns… if all this is done, in a year or two, Janjira will be captured. In the fort, they have the material needed for ten years, but a blockade and not allowing his ships to go out alone will help us succeed. The Swami’s destiny is great, but if there is an obstacle to this, it may take longer. The Siddi has two powerful arms, one is Anjanvel, the other is Underi. It will be good of the Pratinidhi goes to Anjanvel, then the Sarkhel can do something at Underi. Once these two are captured, his morale will be low. Raigad also has to be captured and one and a half to two thousand men will be needed there. This is the overview of this entire campaign.”

The Peshwa was also strapped for funds. Explaining that a salary of five rupees has to be paid in the Konkan region against three on the plateau, the Peshwa wrote to Purandare, “Huge expenses are needed here. The work is the Swami’s, the kingdom belongs to the Swami, and therefore the expense will also have to be borne by the Swami. I cannot take loans to run the campaign. If the master provides funds, I will stake my life to gain success in the campaign. If the kingdom is lost, it will be the Swami’s. From my side there will be no deficiency of service.”

Yashwantrao Potnis had engineered some plan to capture the Raigad fort nearby. Bajirao had begun his movements according to that plan. But without informing Bajirao, Pratinidhi hatched up a different plan to capture this historic capital fort, a place for the ‘Maratha throne’. He kept confabulating with the Siddi’s men on the fort. These talks led to a breakthrough and the impregnable fort of Raigad was handed over to the Pratinidhi’s men on 8 June 1733. Due to this act of the Pratinidhi, of getting into Konkan and immediately conquering the important station like Raigad, the court showered huge amount of praise on him. There was widespread jubilation at this stupendous success. Shahu’s joy knew no bounds. But the Peshwa was incensed due to this. For one, the plan was for the Pratinidhi to meet the Peshwa at Rajpuri and then plan his moves. But the Pratinidhi even refused to meet the Peshwa. He planned a completely different scheme, and without allowing the Peshwa get a wind of it, had captured Raigad. Pratinidhi’s refusal to join forces for unified action had angered the Peshwa. Bajirao’s heart already had mixed feelings about Pratinidhi, and due to this act, the hatred amongst the two went on increasing and the campaign was thrown to the wind. To ensure the Pratinidhi did not succeed, Bajirao instigated Bankaji Naik through Sekhoji Angre, and the castellan of Anjanvel, Siddi Saat through secret messages.

Hearing the news reports of capital Raigad’s capture, Shahu wrote a letter in his own hand on 20 June 1733, as follows, “Do whatever it takes to protect the captured station. If God wills, we will come to inspect Rairee and Vaje forts in the month of Shravan. The task which was not accomplished by Rajashree Shivaji Maharaj, Rajashree Abasaheb Sambhaji Maharaj, Kakasaheb (Rajaram Maharaj), and Mother Tarabai, has now been taken to its conclusion by Fatehsinghbaba and Rajashree Pradhan. This fame has spread in all three worlds, up to Nizam-ul-Mulk, and even up to Delhi. Do whatever it takes to maintain this fame untouched.”

To be continued…

THE ELUSIVE JANJIRA

It was time; time to delve into affairs of the Konkan. Shahu himself took the lead and the reins of the campaign in his own hands. No longer did the king wish to wait for news of battles fought far away, for the Konkan was near his capital. Brahmendra Swami, the seer, once lived in the Konkan and became the prime mover of the campaign against the Siddi.

In war, in politics, and in the lives of nations, the campaign has to be fought when the opportunity is right and the year 1733 gave the right mix for just such a move. The Peshwa and many other chiefs spent long months in the Konkan, braving its monsoon, the sea, the hills, and rivers.

Bajirao did not have the time to move north that year, and did not cross the Narmada. In the beginning, they did not achieve the result everybody wished for. Long months and valuable resources were poured into the campaign. The end was a long time coming. And when it came, surprisingly, the man at the helm of the campaign was not Bajirao.

Yet, the success that came finally liberated a long-oppressed people; as it emerged, for evermore.  

The Konkan coastal strip had been the landing place for many trading communities from across the Arabian Sea. It had many trading ports from time immemorial. India was a giant medieval economy and a rich trading partner for Europe and Africa as well as Arabia. The Abyssinians, present-day residents of Ethiopia, were also among those who came by sea to trade with India. They were excellent sailors but perhaps not quite as good traders. In the course of time, they found better employment in the army and administration of the Bahmani kingdoms of Bijapur and Ahmednagar, and rose to powerful positions by their ability as well as loyalty to the monarch. Followers of Sunni Islam, they were labelled Siddis; a name that may or may not have arisen from the Sayyeds. Remarkable men like Malik Ambar in Ahmednagar and Ikhlas Khan in Bijapur rose to fame and left their mark on the administration of their kingdoms. When Akbar, Shahjahan, and finally Aurangzeb annexed the Bahmani kingdoms, the Siddis joined the Mughals.

The Siddis ruled over the Konkan from their sea-fort of Danda-Rajpuri, often just called Janjira, derived from the Arabic word ‘Jazira’, or an island. The entire region they controlled came to be called ‘Habshan’ after ‘Habshi’, the name they were called by in that region. The fort of Janjira was separated from the mainland and surrounded by fairly deep water, making access difficult at all times of the year. The fort was originally built probably during the rule of the Yadava dynasty between the ninth to the fourteenth centuries. legend has it that around 1489, a few Siddi traders sought permission to stop at the fort with their cargo which was in the form of some three hundred crates. Permission granted, the cargo was brought in, and from each of the crates emerged a fully armed soldier.

Once the island was taken, the Siddis did not let go. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj tried to capture Janjira for most of the 1660s, when even the British took a liking for it; at one time preferring it to Mumbai which they got in 1668. However, an attack from the sea was always difficult and a blockade from land would not work otherwise. A cannonade was not quite enough due to its strong walls and distance from the shore. The Dutch, the Marathas, and the British – all failed to win the place. From here, the Siddi ruled not just the island but also a good part of the coastal strip and a few forts; prominent among them the erstwhile Maratha capital Raigad. Siddi Yakut’s petition to Aurangzeb to be appointed as Mutsaddi (diplomatic official) of Danda-Rajpuri had the Mughal Badshah write on it, “For a long time I have known of this aggressive and self-willed spirit of Siddi Yakut Khan.”

In the 1690s the Siddi spread his wings in the Konkan, and Chhatrapati Rajaram appointed Kanhoji Angre as the Sarkhel to deal with them. The ‘Habshan’ was a stretch of two hundred kilometres of broken coastline in the Konkan. It began just south of Mumbai harbour with the tiny island fort of Underi near Alibaug and extended to the southern bank of the river Vasishthi where Siddi Saat ruled from his stronghold of Anjanvel. Underi was close to Colaba and Khanderi, two forts held by Kanhoji. From here coming south along the coast one came to the fort of Chaul at the northern end of the mouth of the River Kundalika. Upstream of this river, around the town of Roha were the four forts of Avachitgad, Birwadi, Tala and Ghosala. Going further south, the coast once again makes way for the broad creek of Danda-Rajpuri river. The island fort of Janjira is to the north of this creek but separated by half a mile of deep water from the coast. Further south, the fourth puncture in the coast is where the River Savitri joins the sea. On its northern end lie Shrivardhan and Harihareshwar, the native places of the Peshwas and on the southern bank likes the fort of Bankot. Going upstream from the Savitri, one encounters the fort of Mandangad. The last break in the coastline comes from the River Vasishthi. Anjanvel lies on its southern bank, and upstream, the fort of Govalkot is surrounded by the river on three sides. Not far from Govalkot is the town of Chiplun. The terrain in the Konkan was not just broken by rivers but also several hills and forts making cavalry operations nearly impossible. The heavy rains from June to September were a further deterrent to continue operations in this period. into this region, suited for operations of the infantry, the Peshwa was soon dispatched to deal with the Siddi.

To be continued…