SHAHUNAGAR

From the point of view of security, Maratha capital had been settled atop the Satara fort. Later, when it was felt to be inconvenient, Shahu settled a small new city beneath the fort towards the north, and named it Shahunagar. This is Satara of recent times.

Satara was the name of the fort. Shahunagar was the name of the city. “All the standard workshops of the fort were kept at the top of Satara, and a mansion was also built there. A tank was built named as Shahu Talav. It was decided that some people would live at the top, while some would live beneath. The city Shahunagar which was settled beneath and the mansion built within it, did not have water supply, for which a canal was built and water was supplied from Yavateshwar.”

Water was brought from Yavateshwar and Mahadara and arrangement was made for ample water supply for Satara since the time of Shahu Maharaj. The constitution of this Shahunagar and the names of its various parts are reminiscent of the reign of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj. Even though its political relevance has vanished, people are still proud of Satara as the famous capital of the Maratha Confederacy. In the month of December 1720, Bajirao met Shahu at the Satara fort. After that, the meetings for the next seven to eight months have taken place at Machi Satara fort. Shahunagar was established around 1721. In one of the letters dated 18 March 1721, there is a reference to urgently construct a mansion. Shahu and the Peshwa would meet during the initial period there, which have been documented in the daily diary. From these entries one can understand the various constituent elements of the city. Later, in the month of August 1721, there is a reference that Bajirao met Shahu near Shahunagar. This means, Shahunagar was built around 1721.

In these meetings at his capital, Shahu would typically sit on the throne. Shahu’s throne was initially at the Satara fort where the coronation ceremony had taken place. Later, he brought it to the Machi at Shahunagar and housed it in a specially built Ranga-Mahal mansion. In the courtyard behind the throne, there used to be a well named Takht-well. The Chhatrapati’s seat has been variously named Manchak, Takht, Sinhasan etc. The front courtyard of the Ranga-Mahal earlier had a large mansion which housed this throne.

The building called as Adalat (court) was built by Shahu. The Peshwas used to halt here in this garden. The Purandare mansion was nearby. A big transformation came about in the structure of the city between Shahu’s time and after him. On 20 March 1753, the Holi night, a huge fire broke out in Shahunagar and most of the mansions in the city burned down. The Purandare diary notes that in this fire, the mansions belonging to the Peshwa, Purandares, Govindrao Chitnis, Naro Ram Mantri, Dattajipant Waknis, etc. all burned to ashes. Thus, it seems that since there was no necessity, the Peshwa never rebuilt their mansion in Shahunagar or Satara. The British government sold the Rangamahal mansion in 1865. This mansion came to be called as Senapati’s mansion later. This mansion burned down in 1874, and has not left any ruins.

The smaller areas of the city were named after the seven days of the week. Besides, there were other areas named after historical persons like Ramau’s Goth (area), Yadavgopal Peth, Vyankatpura, Chimanpura, Durgapura, Kesarkar Peth, Rajaspura, Pant’s Goth, Raghunathpura etc. In the Mangalwar Peth there was another sub-block named Ramau’s Goth. Nagpur’s Bhosale had his mansion there. This Bhosale family had an elderly woman named Ramau, and the area had been named after her. Another area was named Vyankatpura, which was named after the original ancestral founder of the Ichalkaranji principality, Vyankatrao Ghorpade, who was also a son-in-law for Balaji Vishwanath. It had the famous temple of Shrikrishneshwar. It was built by Bajirao’s maternal uncle Krishnarao Chaskar in Shaka 1645 when he was the official at Satara. This temple is at the western extremity of the town at the foothills of Yavateshwar. When the temple was built, it used to be called Sadashivpura. But when Vyankatrao Ghorpade built his mansion there and began permanently staying in it, it started getting referred to as Vyankatpura. One of Shahu’s Sardars Chimnaji Damodar had his stables (and military camp) at Satara. This place was called Chimanpura. Vishnu Vishwanath Pandit was a private steward of queen Sagunabai. Through his offices, the construction work of Bhargavram’s temple at Dhavadshi was completed. Shahu fathered a daughter with Sagunabai named Rajasbai. The place Rajaspura in Satara was named after her. Tarabai’s erstwhile steward Yadav Gopal Khatavkar enlised into Shahu’s service as his first chief steward. There was one more place in Satara named after him. This area was also known as Peth-Khalsa. Shahu had issued a grant-notification to Yadav Gopal for the Khalsa income. Due to that, Yadav Gopal’s family had also been given the surname Khalse. To the north of Satara city, there was a Peth named Raghunathpura, which now forms a part of the Karanje town. It was named after Bajirao’s son Raghunath.

Beyond the Adalat mansion Khateeb’s house and mosque was built. Dafle was given land for his stables on the Machi, apart from the mansions belonging to Akkalkot’s principal, Mantri, Pingles, the stables belonging to Sheikh Mira, etc. which lasted as ruins until recent times. Sheikh Mira was the Adilshahi Subedar of the Wai province. When Shahu arrived in the Deccan, he was assisting Parashuram Trimbak at the Satara fort. He got the Pratinidhi arrested and handed over the fort to Shahu Maharaj. Therefore, he became Shahu’s favourite and he was closely associated with Satara.

Satara also had a mansion owned by the Sachiv. Whenever he had to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. It had been decided that the expenses of the government Pilkhana (elephant stables) should be borne by the Sachiv. The Pilkhana which was earlier near the Ranga-Mahal had moved to the Yadav Gopal Peth. As a tradition, Maharaj while being carried in ceremonial procession, would take a route beginning at the Ranga-Mahal, to the Adalat, through the Yadav Gopal Peth, to the royal mansion. Otherwise, at the time of larger ceremonies, from the royal mansion, taking the larger road through Bhawani Peth, through the Guruwara, from the Poi square, back to the Ranga-Mahal.

There are numerous references of people from the north Hindustan and from the south coming and settling down at Satara along with their families for businesses like moneylending, diplomatic duties, ritual worship of deities, etc.

Somwar Peth had the mansion belonging to the Angal family. A much famous member of this family Parashuram Narayan Angal had been a renowned moneylender. This Angal family had built the Rameshwar temple at Mahuli confluence, and one of the Ghats over the confluence, and they had also renovated the Krishna River temple at Mahabaleshwar. Shaniwar Peth had two mansions belonging to Balajipant Natoo. The old mansion had been awarded to him at the time of King Pratapsingh Bhosale. Whenever Nana Fadnis used to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. Sumant had his mansion opposite the Natoo mansion. Sumant’s descendants continued living at Riswad in the Karhad Tehsil. Guruwar Peth had the mansions belonging to the Shirkes and Panditrao. These Shirkes were originally from a town named ‘Shreek’. Shahu’s wife Sakwarbai and Sambhaji II’s wife Jijabai both came from this Shirke family. Raviwar Peth had Pant’s Goth. The Pratinidhi used to stay here in his mansion nearby. In terms of association with Satara, Pratinidhi was next only to Shahu Maharaj.

A gentleman named Tansheth Bhurke was the official of the mint during Shahu Maharaj’s reign. Shahu had conferred upon him this authority in the Coronation Era 67, i.e. 1740. Tansheth’s ancestors had been serving Adilshahi at Sangamner on similar responsibility of managing the mint. This family lasted until recently at Satara in the moneylending business.

To be continued…

SHAHU’S DEFECTS

One cannot say that Shahu did not have any defects at all. The Chhatrapati began a custom of sitting at one place, and taking care of the administrative responsibilities from there, which turned out to be harmful in the end. Since he was not even aware of the geographical condition of the external lands, there would be unnecessary disputes that arose, and unnecessary confusion would be created in administrative affairs. Due to his being distant, the internecine discord amongst the Sardars, which could have been easily resolved by a Commander-in-Chief on the ground, went on increasing for no reason. The campaign against Janjira and the mockery of it in the documents seems to have originated due to the above reason. It was not wrong for him to have taken the Peshwa family under his wings seeing their success, but many times, the arrogance of the Peshwas became taxing for many other Sardars, which could have only been resolved by the master. Shahu’s authority was primarily of the moral form. If it had been blessed with the foil of practical vision, then it would have been more useful. There is no doubt if one considers the capability of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu begins to show himself in poor light. But it is clear from Nanasaheb’s deposition the extent to which Shahu wielded his moral authority sitting at one place. Peshwa and other Sardars, immediately after returning from a campaign, would present a detailed account of their campaign to him in a face-to-face meeting at Satara. Shahu never thought twice before engaging in investigation himself and punishing someone. The people around him would find it difficult to act against Shahu’s wishes. Govindrao Chitnis had become a literal second persona of Shahu. He would ensure Maharaj’s wishes were taken care and tactfully accomplish many different objectives. Shahu too would heed Chitnis’ advice most of the time. Therefore, the Peshwa too, would take care of the wishes of Govindrao Chitnis. He too never took any disadvantage of the trust placed in him.

One other point was defective in Shahu’s administration. It reflects the contemporary public opinion. The principle, “Never disturb the old, never create the new,” was considered important in those days. Shahu adopted the same policy. There is nothing permanent in this world, and if the state’s administration is reformed as per the impending situation, only then a kingdom continues to run successfully. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had absolutely refused the above age-old adage. He had stopped awarding land-parcels to his colleagues as Inams. The moment renowned Sardars like the Mores stood in opposition on the basis of the prestige of their family’s position, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had punished them. He officiated penance ceremonies for those converted forcefully to Islam and brought them back to Hinduism. Seeing these policies, one can see that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj never accepted sticking to the old methods. In this respect, Shahu did not venture on his own to adopt any new policy. Whatever general policy prevailed in the society. Such hereditary rights, protocols, fixed incomes etc. feudal arrangements were harmful for the kingdom if they continued uninterrupted. Shahu issued a general order at the time of his death, that the Peshwas should not intervene in the existing income-arrangements and revenue-rights of the people thereafter. The Peshwa had to face the result of this proclamation immediately. The Sardars began taking care of their income-arrangements. They forgot proving their valour by maintaining armed battalions. General human being tends towards continuing already existing policies as they were. But a circumspect ruler gives appropriate importance to this tendency. This would later reflect in the examples of Madhavrao Peshwa etc. Overall, this was a result of Shahu sitting at one place to run his administration.

Shahu’s overall life had become one with the whole of Maharashtra for around half a century. The stories about this, even though dispersed far and wide, and even though very interesting, they are not easily found by common readers.

There are many interesting legends available around people like Birubai, Jotyaji Kesarkar, Baswantrao Kasurde, Vithoba Khoje, Supe’s Indroji Kadam, Shetya Waghji Sankpal, Hujrya (lackey) Mayaji Fadtare, Mengoji Hukebardar (servant filling up the Hookah). Shahu would always recompense with extreme care and a generous heart any favour done to him. Keeping in mind the previous dutiful service rendered by Jotyaji Kesarkar, Shahu lifted him up to great heights. “He had served Shahu since childhood loyally, and even Shahu had enjoyed his service. Therefore, Maharaj Chhatrapati Swami displayed his grace, and appointed him as the Gumasta (representative agent) of the Chhatrapati’s own Sardeshmukhi Watan-rights. He also appointed him in a place of authority over the standard eighteen workshops within Swarajya. He was given the respectful protocol rights to hold the Zaripatka (saffron standard) in Maharaj’s campaign on the leading elephant, and perform the first ritual worship with the Puranpoli (sweet roti) in the official Holi festival in front of the royal mansion at Satara. When they had arrived in the Deccan at the first halt, Kesarkar had settled down Guruwar Peth there. Maharaj waived off the excise duties for this marketplace, and issued a grant-notification that Kesarkar’s writ would run there with complete authority. When he was ordered to get married, Kesarkar requested the Swami, ‘I am old, eighty years of age. I don’t want to marry now.’ But since Maharaj had blessed him to bear sons, he got married. In some days, he was blessed with two boys. Since he was a hereditary Watan-rights holder of the Kesari village near Sawantwadi, he had taken up the name Kesarkar.”

To be continued…

SAKWARBAI’S SATI

After due discussions, the preparations for the Sati ritual were completed. All the various standard charitable donation rituals like donating a cow etc. were carried out. The pair of ear-stubs having four big pearls and two rubies that Rajashree wore was given to the Peshwa as an heirloom by Sakwarbai, and one of the amulet pair was given to Mahadaji Ambaji. The procession to Mahuli was celebrated with many musical instruments, turmeric-vermilion rituals at every house, ceremonial receptions, through huge clamour of auspicious chants, and with two lakh people to witness the event. After the Sati ritual was completed, everybody took the sacred and purifying bath in the confluence, sought blessings of the deity in the light of the evening lamps, and went home purified. After serving food to Aaisaheb (Tarabai) Rao, Pant, and Yamaji Shivdeo too arrived. After this, they had their meal. Everybody was holding their fast for the whole day.

“After Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj was laid to rest, his third wife, Ranubaisaheb (Sakwarbai was called this in her maternal home), Ramojiraje Shirke’s daughter, who was also childless, committed Sati at the Mahuli confluence. Two of his concubines also committed Sati. Out of them, Lakshmibai had two sons, Yesaji and Kusaji Bhosale. On the third day, another concubine, younger Sakhu committed Sati. After her cremation, Pratinidhi and the council of ministers, together got the memorial stone in her name made and installed it on the confluence of Venna and Krishna rivers. They also arranged for the daily worship, offering, people to take care of the memorial etc. Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj is considered to be present there. Whoever respects the prestige of the place, would never face any scarcity. The Pantapradhan would initially get down from his ride before this Krishna confluence, tie his hands with handkerchief, would stop beating of his convoy drums, would seek blessings at the memorial of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, and after that, he would proceed to Satara, to meet whoever was the master of the throne.”

For thirteen days, Nanasaheb himself toiled hard day and night, and completed the last rites with complete devotion and in all respects. There are very detailed arrangements documented in that respect. Later, through Govind Ballal (Kher-Bundele), Maharaj’s ashes were immersed in the Ganga at Kashi, for which ten thousand rupees were spent. The pot in which the ashes were kept was stolen from Mahuli. There is a document bearing Tarabai’s order to investigate this incident of theft.

Accordingly, it was done. The last rites were performed according to the Shastras. The rites were performed at the hands of Mungi’s Maloji Bhosale. The procession went to Mahuli at the confluence of three rivers. The expenses of the last rites have been documented as rupees 45,412.

There remains a dispute to this date whether Sakwarbai was forced to immolate herself by the group of ministers led by the Peshwa. There was certainly no love lost between them. This was even more so since she had purportedly sent assassins to kill them. In the Govindrao Chitnis authored Shahu-Charitra, he writes that it was Tarabai who said that Sakwar should go Sati with the king, or she will become a nuisance.

Grant Duff has blamed Nanasaheb Peshwa mentioning that he forced Sakwarbai to commit Sati, and instead of that, if she had been openly hanged unto her death, it would have been befitting his stature. Many people still believe it to be true. One cannot judge the events of the past by wearing lenses of the future. Actually, if one wishes to judge past affairs, then one needs to acquire the perspective of the past, which considers the prevailing situation at that time, and should not be polluted by pre-conceived notions of their own times. Due to Bai committing Sati, Nanasaheb’s later path became easier. This does not mean that he forced her to commit Sati through his selfish intentions. Imagining the contemporary situation, one can cite the below points.

1. From the evidences provided above, only Peshwa was not the chief advisor who sent the message about committing Sati to Sakwarbai. All the chiefs who had gathered at the time had played a part in it. In fact, Tarabai was the leader in these people. Sakwarbai too could have accepted the control of the stewards. But she was not ready to accept Tarabai’s control.
2. Howsoever foolhardy and cruel this tradition seems today it was prevalent at the time. In fact, committing Sati was the norm while not doing so was considered an exception. It was a different matter if there were worldly reasons supporting the decision to not commit Sati. Otherwise, whoever did not have such reason, would normally on her own tend towards committing it.
3. While writing description of the wealth and virtues of various Rajas, how many wives and maids committed Sati after their death, would also be conveyed on purpose. Kanhoji Angre, Pratinidhi etc. examples have been related previously. This was considered the proof of the king’s wealth and fame. This statement especially and fully applied to Rajputana. Shahu had always been desirous of being considered an equal of, or sometimes even better than, the kings at Udaipur, Jaipur etc. He had even debated with Jaisingh once about what they both had done for the Hindu religion.
4. It seems Sakwarbai was beyond fifty years of age at this time. She did not have any familial bonds like a child etc. She had lived her family life. Shahu did not have any other queen who could commit Sati. So, it was somewhat befitting and necessary for Shahu’s prestige for this queen to commit Sati after him.
5. Nanasaheb was utterly devoted to Shahu. Not only Nanasaheb, but any of Shahu’s other servants would not have appreciated any behaviour on part of the master’s wife, which would besmirch his name or would bring ignominy to it. Nobody of the time would have liked her initial advertisement made one or two months before the actual event declared all over the kingdom, and then rescinding on that at the last moment; especially when Shahu’s widow, without any child, already well past her prime, had enjoyed the glory of being his wife, leaving the husband alone in the journey after his death, just to fulfil her wish to raise problems in this world, would not have been much appreciated by anybody at that time. Making an announcement in advance to commit Sati was not like raising an unnecessary hue and cry to get your task accomplished. Such acts would harm the usual reverence people hold in their hearts for the dead. It feels like a mockery of the dead. There is no reason to believe that if Sakwarbai had not committed Sati, the future course of history would have turned out any different.

To be continued…

LAST RITES

“On the third day of the waning moon fortnight of the month of Margashirsha, on the Pushya constellation, Shaka 1671, Thursday, 15 December 1749, four hours into the morning, Chhatrapati Shahu proceeded to Vishnu-Lok (Vishnu’s world). It was truly the end of an epoch. People turned extremely miserable. All big and small people, servants, a father-figure for them, their protector and provider, had gone away. They all remembered him and became miserable. I am rendered incapable to write about the pangs of misery felt. Because such a sympathetic Lord had never been before. At his death, he was the longest serving ruler in India, and in the forty-one years of his rule had faced many vicissitudes. The energy in his early years was not seen later, however, by his even-handed approach, he reached a stage where he had no enemies. Even when a criminal was caught alive in the master’s reign, he never uttered the word, ‘Kill’ and instead used, ‘Ready up your weapons.’ He was a true Ajatshatru (one who never had any enemy). His sons (people like his sons), friends and competitors would treat him with complete unanimity. He never spoke wrongly with anybody. Such virtuous king died. At that time, Raos (warriors) and Pants (diplomats), all big and small dignitaries went and sat beside his body. A huge cloud of misery fell upon everyone. How much should one console people. In such a commotion, Tarabai, Rajaramsaheb’s wife, Shahu Maharaj’s aunt, who had been held captive, came to seek his last sight. But Raya (Govindrao Chitnis) approached her quietly and requested her, ‘Maharaj, you are the master, and everybody wishes that you do not witness this event. So, I request you to come with me to your place. Give me any order there. Whatever you order, it will be fulfilled appropriately.’”

Saying this, he brought her to her place, arranged for security, and asked her what he should do further. She replied, “If Sakwar stays back, she will split and destroy the kingdom. She would not allow anybody to stay firm on their positions. So, if she commits Sati then it will be good. She should begin thinking about that first, and then think about anything else. Bringing Sambhaji II from Karweer, would not be acceptable to everybody, and I too won’t advice that. My daughter-in-law’s son is living at Pangaon, who should be brought here and installed on the throne. What else!”

Taking these orders, Govindrao Chitnis relayed the overall directive to Nanasaheb. After that, everybody including the Pratinidhi, Dabhade, Akkalkot’s principal, Rajadnya etc. big and small Sardars and officials unanimously decided, “Sakwar Baisaheb should be told to commit Sati. If she does not go willingly, she should be forced to. She would raise unnecessary disputes against everyone after Maharaj. Then it won’t be good to keep searching for a resolution. It is better, to end this now.”

After this, Bai’s brother Kunwarji Shirke was a noble and wise gentleman. The Peshwa and the Chitnis asked Kunwarji to inquire what the queen wished. The options before her were to live her life as a widow – an arduous undertaking in those times – or to immolate herself with her husband, an act that was at that time, considered meritorious to the queen as well as the departed king. The opposing party, comprising Yamaji and Dadoba Pratinidhi were already placed in custody.

Upon that, he went to Bai, and relayed the suggestion in his own words, “Hereafter, I don’t see any other Sardar except for this Brahmin who can control the whole kingdom. If you think of remaining behind by listening to someone else’s advice, you might have to follow their orders. In that no greatness would accrue to you. Whatever is written in our destiny, we will face it. But you should try and achieve whatever fame you have attained. Everybody will really appreciate it.”

After he conveyed this thought in various ways, whatever candidature she had held in her mind, she lost confidence. She agreed. So, he came back to Raya (Chitnis) and Pant (Peshwa) and told them, “Get the preparations done. If she goes along, then good, if not, we will take her away.”

The Chitnisi Bakhar of Shahu Maharaj has some additional detail. “Forty-two years into the Rajyabhishek Shaka (era of Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation), Shahu Maharaj returned from the captivity of the Mughals, established his unopposed authority over this land, achieved the utmost virtuous status, and went to his heavenly abode. It was an extremely sad event. Pradhanpant, Govindrao steward, and other Sardars secured the city on all sides, and installed their security guards around the mansions and workshops. After this, Pradhanpant etc. Sardars went and sat inside Govindrao’s house. They called the queen’s father (brother by the previous account) Kunwarji Shirke, and told him, ‘What is Baisaheb’s desire? As per Maharaj’s orders, does she want to carry forward the kingdom’s administration together with us, installing an authoritative person as the master on the throne? We all are followers of orders, whether of Maharaj or from Baisaheb, but does she intend to commit Sati? Please do ask her this.’ They also told him to reassure her, ‘Whoever stewards raise dispute against you, we will subdue them as per Maharaj’s orders.’ They also dispatched their own security detail to surround Dadoba Pratinidhi and Yamajipant and his contingents to temporarily restrict their movements. Shirke relayed the message to Baisaheb. That time, Baisaheb thought, ‘All-powerful Pradhanpant, Govindrao, and all other stewards have come together, and their plan of installing Tarabai’s grandson on the throne is turning out to be successful. I relied on Dadoba and Yamaji, who did not prove effective in pursuing my plan. If I adopt him as my own son, and decide to stay back, then it will not behoove to my dignity to act as per his orders, indirectly Tarabai’s orders. So, it will be a waste to remain behind.’ So, she decided to commit Sati, and sent an order that the preparations should be done quickly. The moment this message arrived, the Pratinidhi and Yamajipant were immediately clapped in irons and imprisoned, and were dispatched to Purandar and Kavnai forts. All the workshops were locked to secure them, and both went to the site of the ritual in palanquins, along with the usual imperial paraphernalia.”

To be continued…

SHAHU MAHARAJ’S DEATH

At his end, the queen Sakwarbai took Maharaj from the Vanwaswadi to his royal mansion. She installed her own security on the palace and outside. She made various Brahmins sit in ritual worship at various places. She began toying with the ideas like nobody should be allowed to enter the royal mansion to meet Maharaj without her permission, Pradhan and Chitnis should be quickly dispensed with. The Peshwa took precaution regarding this, and decided to bring the child of Pangaon as per Maharaj’s orders. When the queen began insisting with the Maharaj trying to force his hand, Maharaj said to her, that her plans would not succeed without a strong army. Both parties began amassing their forces. Govindrao alone personally visited the houses of the Pratinidhi, Senapati, Sarlashkar, Akkalkot’s principal, Bimbaji Bhosale, Raghuji and Mudhoji Bhosale, etc.; sat with each of them for quartiles upon quartiles, days on end, and informed them the orders of Maharaj, checking whether anybody was desirous of taking the responsibility of running the kingdom. But none of them accepted the responsibility. Bai tried very hard to entice Govindrao to her party. She issued grant-notification conferring upon him various Inams. But he would not listen. So then, she planned to eliminate him. In that, due to a mistake, one of his assistants Tulaji was killed. Bai invited Sambhajiraje along with his armies from Kolhapur. But Maharaj sent Bapuji Khanderao to him, and informed him that he should not intervene in this matter, due to which he returned.

Shahu communicated his decision that Tarabai’s grandson Ramraja should be brought and crowned as the next king. On 1 October 1749, the king made two lists addressed to the Peshwa. These lists seem to be written around the occasion of Vijayadashmi, in the Navaratri festival. In these two lists, the king wrote,

“List 1 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. You must take command of the entire force. I ordered everyone else to do this, but it is not their destiny. Maharaj is ill and does not appear will get better. The Government must carry on. Our dynasty should be placed on the throne. Do not place the one from Kolhapur. We have informed Chitnis everything, act according to that. The successor from my dynasty should be obeyed and the Confederacy properly run. Chitnis is the Swami’s trusted confidante. With mutual consultations, preserve the kingdom. My successor will not interfere with you. Rest, you are wise enough.

“List 2 – Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan is hereby ordered. The Swami is confident that you will run the state’s administration. I had already thought so, but the Chitnis made my faith unshakeable. I have placed my hand on your head. My successor will continue your appointment as Pradhan. We bind them in pledge if they ever waver from this path. Run the kingdom by his orders. Preserve the kingdom. What more to write! You are wise enough.”

These two lists were like the grant notifications issued by Shahu to the Peshwa detailing the authority of the executive office of the Maratha Confederacy. Although the original letters do not have the royal seal, they are entirely in Shahu’s own handwriting, and the king’s intention is quite clear. The Peshwa was given the responsibility of looking after the kingdom with Ramraja as the king, who would not remove him from his post.

The orders within these lists for the Peshwa are clear enough. He should bring his army and secure the region. As informed to the Chitnis, the Peshwa should bring in a new master, and he himself should manage the whole administration. He should not bring in Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II. Whatever were doubts in Maharaj’s mind about the Peshwa, was driven away by the Chitnis. So, Shahu blessed him and ordered him to honestly run the administration. He followed it. At the end, Shahu warned the Peshwa, “’We have issued various charitable endowments for different deities, Brahmins, have assigned them the authority of first worship, have set up various charities, have awarded many benefices, Jagirs, villages, and land-parcels for their service, to various people like our own brethren, those born in the same Gotra, various other Kunbi Marathas etc., and even people from other castes, which you should respect after us. You should not block anybody. If you disturb the awards committed to by us, and oppress people who had been respected by us, then the office of the Peshwa would not remain with you permanently.’ Informing everybody thus, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj applied ritual ash on his arms and sides, wore the garland of Rudraksh beads, lay down a white blanket over a bed of straw, chanted Lord Shriram’s name and the words ‘Shiva Har Har’ eleven times, stopped his breath, and went to his heavenly abode, on the above-mentioned date, in the royal mansion, at Satara.”

This overall event proves that Shahu finalised whatever he felt was the best possible arrangement in relation to the future system, and then laid down his life. He suspected that Sakwarbai etc. people would begin a dispute at the end. Therefore, he decided that Ramraja should be brought to the throne after him. Otherwise, at the time of his death, the capital would have been torn between two warring factions. The Peshwa desired to remove the dissension between the two halves of the kingdom by bringing Sambhaji II to the throne. It did not succeed due to the above arrangement. In all this, Tarabai tactfully succeeded in her plan. It turned out to be harmful for the kingdom later. Sambhaji II’s capability was also not much to write home about. So, one cannot say that his prowess would have shined brighter than that of Ramraja. The Peshwa did not think twice before satisfying Tarabai as well. It was not as if the Peshwa intentionally brought an incapable person on the throne and captured all the power for himself. It was clear that the benefit of the kingdom and the Peshwa himself lay in having a capable person as the master. Chitnis and the Peshwa worked together and protected the kingdom. Sakwarbai had begun troubling Chitnis, but the Peshwa supported him through that. Shahu had thought about adopting Raghuji’s son Mudhoji. He was Queen Sagunabai’s cousin’s son. His character was revealed later in the history of Nagpur. It shows clearly that he too did not have the capability to take care of the Marathi kingdom. This way, Shahu’s reign came to an end and a new revolution was brought in the Maratha Empire.

To be continued…

SUCCESSOR IDENTIFIED

“Sambhajiraje does not have the capability to control the kingdom, and is not blessed with abundance of intellect. So, it is necessary to adopt an heir. Therefore, the child that Tarabai has brought up secretly needs to be investigated. If we adopt an heir from outside, there will be disputes later. Maharaj dispatched his trusted ministers and cavalrymen to Pangaon. Therefore, Govindrao was sent to Aaisaheb and everything was documented. Upon that, some additional notes were added in his (Maharaj’s) own handwriting. He called Bawda’s Bhagwantrao Amatya. He dispatched Yashwantrao Potnis and Govindrao Chitnis to take good care of Bhagwantrao. He was asked to confirm on oath near Shri Krishna. It was confirmed that the child was true-born. Upon this, Maharaj said, ‘Make this child the master after me, and act as per his orders to protect the kingdom.’ This news was relayed to Sakwarbai. Thinking that she would have to act as per Tarabai’s orders, Sakwarbai became very angry with Pradhan, Chitnis, Devrao and Yashwantrao. Numerous schemes began getting hatched at various places to capture, imprison or finish-off the chief stewards. Sakwarbai began stating that Tarabai’s grandson was fake, and Tarabai had erected a falsehood. She colluded with Yamajipant and amassed some forces, and engaged into the political move to install Sambhajiraje. She also ensnared the castellan and the fort soldiery to subdue Tarabai. She began thinking that Maharaj was extremely distressed due to all this, and of not allowing access to him for the stewards. Maharaj recognised the difficulty of the situation, called Pradhanpant for a one-to-one meeting in solitude, gave him the list of activities in his own handwriting, and with Govindrao as witness, gave him the written approval.” This description occurs in the Bakhar documents, which is also corroborated with the help of available documents.

Shahu had Tarabai record her statement before the Chitnis and he called Bhagwantrao, the son of Ramchandrapant Amatya of Kolhapur, to confirm the claim. Once Bhagwantrao had on oath repeated what Tarabai had said, Shahu believed him. However, the news leaked and Sakwarbai heard of it. This prompted Shahu and Tarabai to write to Bhagwantrao Amatya to take Ramraja to a village Lakhanpur and not to leave him with the caretaker Rajput family. For five years, the boy was looked after by the Amatya. Later, he was taken to Pangaon and left with the Rajput’s family. His elder daughter Daryabai Nimbalkar looked after him.

The prospect of Tarabai’s grandson as a successor was not easily accepted by Sakwarbai, and she claimed the boy was a fake. She felt it would mean being subservient to Tarabai in the days to come and began mobilising men to her cause. She called Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Mutalik (representative) to the Pratinidhi, who concurred with her that the boy was not the real heir. According to the Bakhar, Sakwarbai authorised Yamaji to arrange for the Peshwa’s assassination, as she saw him as the main obstacle in her scheme of things. Yamaji hired an assassin but felt Govindrao Chitnis should be the victim, owing to his proximity to the king. The attempt on Govindrao failed. In fact, Govindrao, who heard of the plot, plunged his own sword into his would-be assassin.

The growing antagonism between Sakwarbai and the Chitnis as well as the Peshwa was, however, to prove fatal to her future plans. Shahu had sent out his trusted men to search for the boy. However, Sakwarbai would not allow the boy to be brought before Shahu, and during the king’s lifetime, he was not. Sakwarbai also urged Sambhaji II of Kolhapur to come to Satara with a large army to force the issue. However, Shahu stopped him saying that it would not be prudent to do so.

By August 1749, Shahu was ready to make his final arrangements. He summoned Raghuji Bhosale, however, he could not come. Babuji Naik tried to meet Shahu but Maharaj prohibited him from coming to his presence. Fatehsingh expressed his inability to undertake the responsibility of managing such a large kingdom. Shahu then commanded the Peshwa to arrive at Satara with a large army to maintain order. Nanasaheb was alert. Upon Maharaj’s orders, he gathered a huge army and leaving Pune he went to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar, Janardanbaba etc. Sardars on 21 August 1749 (mentioned as September 1749 at some places). He returned to Pune only after Shahu’s death, his last rites, and Ramraja’s installation to the throne in the month of April 1750.

To be continued…

SEARCH FOR NEXT MASTER

Moving on, Maharaj removed his attachments to worldly affairs completely, and entered into the Vanaprastha Ashrama (living in forest) as per Hindu practice. “Deciding that he would not visit Satara again; he would live only on the banks of Shri Krishna; he built a hutment between Satara and Mahuli and began living there. It was called Vanwaswadi. At this time, the younger queen Sagunabai fell ill. Lakhs of rupees were spent in treating her illness through medicines as well as religious solutions. But it would not recover. Due to this, Maharaj became very sad. After this, Maharaj himself took her to Shri Jejuri. There too, he indulged in ample religious worship and charitable donations. But her life had come to its end. It folded up (25 August 1748). On the same day, he left along with her dead body, and arrived at Mahuli after three quartiles of the next day. She was cremated, a memorial was constructed and regular worship was arranged at that place.”

His health continued to deteriorate. After his younger queen died, Shahu did not have any loving person left at home. His health too began deteriorating by the day. There is one more reference which mentions, “Maharaj fell ill in the Adhik month.”

In 1749, the month of Bhadrapad was the Adhik month. This meant that situation turned for the worse in the month of August 1749. At that time, Shahu called the Peshwa to Satara along with his army. Shahu trusted him like a son, and he was the only one who was able to keep the state administration under control.

Chhatrapati Shahu had been ailing since 1747, and the search for a successor was on since then. The original option of calling Sambhaji II of Kolhapur was backed by Sakwarbai, however, Shahu himself was not in favour. For one, Sambhaji II himself was quite old and had no son to succeed him. Shahu also felt that he did not have the capability of managing a vast Empire. Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai died on 25 August 1748. On her death, Sakwarbai realised that it would be difficult to have Sambhaji II as the successor, and agreed to have Raghuji’s son Mudhoji as Shahu’s successor. Raghuji Bhosale’s wife was Shahu’s younger queen Sagunabai’s sister. However, Raghuji, after mending his ties with the Peshwa in 1747, did not visit Satara. At this time, Sambhaji II’s queen Jijabai II wrote to the Peshwa reminding him of the secret pact to make her husband the king at Satara.

Maharaj began worrying about the protection of the kingdom that had been acquired. So, he decided to gather eligible children from the Bhosale family, and decided to finalise an heir. Sakwarbai and the Pratinidhi, however, raised a different view. Vithojiraje’s lineage consisted of eight sons, and Sharifjiraje had his own lineage. Men were dispatched to investigate who was a better child out of them, their royal attributes, and intellectual qualities.

Maharaj completely trusted Govindrao Chitnis, Yashwantrao Potnis, Devrao Meghashyam. These people would stay with Maharaj and take care of the administration. Soon, all these moves to search for a successor were abandoned when Tarabai, the dowager queen of Chhatrapati Rajaram, living at Panhalgad initially under house arrest and then at Satara fort since 1730, with Shahu giving her every respect, revealed that her grandson, of the Bhosale bloodline was alive. When the search for a successor began, she disclosed to Shahu that she had a grandson, born posthumously to her son Shivaji II (who died in 1726), and being secretly looked after by a family in a village named Pangaon. The boy grew to manhood without disclosing his identity to prevent any harm to him from the ruler at Kolhapur. Tarabai sent a message, “Why are you searching for another child as heir? I have secretly brought up my son Shivajiraje’s son. He should be made the master.”

Due to that, the decision about external children for appointment to the throne fell behind. Shahu strove hard to search for an appropriate heir who could control the kingdom. At this time, Rana Jagat Singh was ruling at Udaipur and he had a younger brother named Nathaji. Shahu brought this Nathaji to Satara. With an intention to bring about a closer unity amongst the Rajputs and the Marathas, Shahu informed Rana Jagat Singh, that he would adopt his brother Nathaji, and would make him the master of the Marathi kingdom. His approval was requested. By the time this request from Shahu arrived, Ranaji had already appointed Nathaji on the Jagir of Wagor. Due to this, Shahu’s desire remained unfulfilled. Similarly, Jaipur bulletins also mention, that Shahu had tried to get one Rajput Kshatriya named Kushal Singh adopted and get the Malwa grant-notifications approved in his name from the Badshah using the good offices of Sawai Jaisingh.

To be continued…

OUR POWER ENDS

Maharaj invited the Pradhanpant, got him to issue village assignments for both the queens, to carefully investigate all their expenses, to create a detailed list of activities that were to be declared prohibited for them (including no complaints to be submitted to the queens, no Watan-rights to be bought from them, no revenue control to be dispatched anywhere by them, none of the two mansions (queens) to intervene in the state’s administration etc.), put in place rules to this effect through the Pradhan, and issued strict warnings for adhering to those to both. He got both of them to agree to this set up. He put in place a routine that he would take food one day with each of them. Shahu, in a seminal letter, got this list prepared in 1745, and laid them down as rules that the two queens ought to follow, which was as follows,

1. “Both the mansions (queens) should not indulge in imparting justice.
2. Whatever the Swami wishes to present as gifts, cash, villages, Pargana, land etc. should be given to both equally.
3. Whatever benefices both of them have acquired, whether within the Swarajya or in external realms, should be relinquished.
4. They should not engage in any cash dealings with respect to villages, towns, Parganas, controlled by district officials, controlled by revenue officials, controlled by the Maharaj himself, within the Swarajya, in external realms etc.
5. They should not hold any benefices with respect to villages and towns, Parganas, or land.
6. They should not acquire any kind of Watan-rights like the office of Deshmukh, Patil etc. from anybody.
7. Whoever wishes to present any gift offerings, villages, towns, to the queens, they should present equally to both.
8. The affairs of Peth Shahunagar should not be interfered with.
9. Whoever has any kind of debt, if the creditors come complaining, they should not pay attention to the matter.
10. They should not assume the revenue control at various places, custom duties, or Parganas.

“It has been agreed that if both of them accept the above-mentioned clauses, the Swami would remain satisfied. Things should be executed this way.

“Shrimant Sagunabaisaheb has been granted the benefice listed in the current year. Except for Pune and Junnar province, in the provinces of Khandesh, Gangathadi (bank of Godavari) etc., rupees ten thousand, annuity of maximum fifteen thousand should be paid. In lieu of the revenue income and Sardeshmukhi the annuity villages should be assigned.”

Shahu was completely engrossed in resolving his domestic disputes and repaying his debts, and had no inclination to let the Peshwa go. The two queens were influencing Shahu to give the Carnatic affair to their own favourites. Various Sardars worked through the queens to influence Maharaj. This created difficulties in the administration.

One of the letters funnily describes the way Shahu was pulled on both sides in these disputes amongst his wives. After May 1746 (possibly 2 August 1746), Mahadoba Purandare wrote to Nanasaheb and Sadashivrao about the great difficulties Shahu faced in resolving matters between the two queens, “The king has pain in the body from the third quartile of the day onwards and has been treated with application of Bibba (marking nut or phobi nut) yet the disputes between the two Wadas do not stop. When the Swami hears of them, he trembles with fear and says, ‘May God give me an early death.’ His Highness neglects his health. This is inappropriate. The queens don’t realise that they should understand what Maharaj desires, and act accordingly, and Saheb does not listen to anyone. Govindrao and Yashwantrao Mahadev Potnis spoke about it to His Highness, but he did not answer. From time to time he says, ‘What purpose does my life serve!’ Last Wednesday, Nagojirao Keshavrao was at the court. Ragho Ram’s men put to death a certain debtor named Shenvi for the repayment. His Highness heard the case and then he observed, ‘If this same dispute had been adjudicated at the Devdi (doorway of the mansions), and Appaji Raghunath was taken there and killed-off, then how would it feel? Nobody should rely on my power anymore. It is useless to count on my support or my power. Our power ends. The authority now lies in the two mansions. The two Ranis are now supreme. I have no power to stop them from doing anything they want to do. Whatever they do, I cannot deny. A dispute has been presented between the Kasars (brazier, utensils and bangle-sellers) and Paraals (grass-cutter). The grocers have all gone on strike and we cannot dissuade them. When the grocers leave the town perhaps the Ranis will give way. But I cannot debate with women. I do not wish to get mixed up in the quarrels of the two shrews. We wanted to see Gajrabai (Shahu’s daughter) live happily with her husband. But to keep the elder queen satisfied, did we not issue a strict warning to the son-in-law’s mansion! From this, her behaviour towards others may be judged. Even after that you are seeing all. To top it, many people have begun speaking that I cannot do anything.’

“These were His Highness’ words. In short, His Highness is powerless against his Ranis. Whatever they say, he says fine. This has become the norm. Such is the state of things here. For the last three or four days the moneylenders are visiting the palace. Both the queens in the past three days have begun making rounds of the Gosavis and moneylenders. ‘We are bankrupt,’ they shout, ‘We want money.’ His Highness fears that if they sit in Dharna (protest), he will be at his wits’ end. Both the Ranis keep talking about the king’s debts and his moneylenders. The signs are bleak. Bad times are coming. We must implement whatever solution would work on which mansion, wait and see how the Ranis’ quarrels end.”

To the Peshwa Maharaj said, “I have huge debts to pay. Without you who will pay them?”

The Peshwa himself wrote in 1746, “Rajashree Swami is frustrated due to the bickering between the two royal mansions (queens), and the constant nagging due to his debts. He keeps witnessing his own personal wealth sometimes sinking, sometimes being saved. Constant annoyance. Both the mansions do not fear him. Due to the marriage, and marital activities in both the mansions, the expenses of the Swami have especially increased. The debts have multiplied. He said, who else would repay his debts except for us. We are his Sardar.”

While the Carnatic was in a churn, the domestic squabbles in the king’s household drew in the Peshwa, as they began to affect the administration. Shahu called him to Satara and in 1746, the Peshwa was unable to go on a campaign. While resolving the king’s domestic and administrative squabbles, his attention was in Bundelkhand, where Jayappa Shinde and Malharrao Holkar were campaigning.

While these issues in the north awaited resolution, the Peshwa was still unable to obtain leave from Satara.

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…

NANASAHEB RESTORED TO OFFICE

The main issue was Shahu’s debts. Shahu felt that he should die without any burden of debt on his head. If he died in debt, he would have to face tribulations in the next birth. Nanasaheb had tried really hard to earn money by campaigning in the north Hindustan. But the income was not sufficient to repay the debts. It is possible that the two queens had some relation to this debt. Both the queens convinced Shahu, that the Peshwa was not able to repay his debts, he keeps giving unnecessary promises, and is just trying to somehow survive for the day by just giving some excuses. Shahu became concerned, that his time was nigh, moneylenders were sitting at his doorstep, and how he would survive further.

Shahu had heard news reports, that the Peshwa had refused to obey his direct order in relation to Babuji Naik, and instead had begun oppressing Babuji. People warned Shahu, if this was the Peshwa’s disobedience when Shahu was still alive, then what would happen after he is gone. Due to this, Shahu became very angry. Babuji Naik’s affair added fuel to the fire of Shahu’s anger. Govindrao Chitnis was friends with the Peshwa. He was playing the role of a neutral party, without siding with anyone, relaying each party’s proposition in front of Shahu in a neutral manner, and taking further action based on whatever Maharaj ordered. The Peshwa was having conversation with him daily. Still a clear answer was not forthcoming for the Peshwa. So, utterly frustrated, he provided the above clauses to Govindrao Chitnis as his final word. It was mostly for earning money that the Peshwa handed over Sadashivrao Bhau in the able hands of Sakharam Bapu and dispatched them to the Carnatic. The Peshwa tried to at least satisfy Shahu through this specific plan. But since Shahu had kept him stuck at Satara, his plan was looking like it would fail right in the face of achievement of success. Therefore, the Peshwa had requested Maharaj through Govindrao Chitnis, to allow him to step outside on the campaign at least for a few days, and he should grant the Peshwa orders whatever he could. Even after this, if the Maharaj did not reinstall him, and immediately secure the kingdom, then he had mentioned that God Himself will go angry with this kingdom. This was a threat that Nanasaheb had delivered to Shahu in no uncertain terms, that Shahu’s act might waste all the enterprise they had indulged in so far, causing a complete loss for the kingdom. Of course, Shahu read this letter carefully, and got convinced that the Peshwa kept striving hard, but the courtiers kept raising obstacles in his path, while none of them stepped up to suggest any alternative arrangement to resolve all his problems and were ready to take the burden of the whole state’s administration upon their shoulders. Due to this, he reinstated Nanasaheb back on the administration, and dispatched him on the external campaign.

Shahu was not ready to let go of his animus. So frustrated, Nanasaheb left without taking leave to depart as the final solution to threaten the courtiers. On 20 March, he wrote to Pilaji Jadhav, “We marched off from Waduth and arrived at Budha. We are sitting here waiting for you.”

Realising that since he had left in a huff, he might go his own independent way, Shahu recalled Nanasaheb, and himself visiting the Peshwa’s tent, accorded him the protocol robes and bade him farewell.

Govindrao Chitnis had much respect about Nana in his heart and was convinced of his capability. Purandare would have picked up the Peshwa’s side in blind faith, but Govindrao Chitnis did not have any such rationale.

The above-mentioned Sheti Malik alias Shetyaba Daji Sankpal was Shahu’s favourite assistant and trusted and secret intelligence gatherer. He did not have any restriction of time and place to meet Shahu. In his final illness, Queen Sakwarbai would not allow the Peshwa and Chitnis to meet Shahu. The correspondence continued through the offices of this Shetyaji.

In this manner, Nanasaheb, knowing Shahu’s nature intimately, handled the situation with discretion to return with full powers and confidence of the king. It would make a difference in the days to come.

This is the only incident of him receiving the farewell protocol garments that is documented in the Shakavali. From it, and from his own words above, ‘everything has turned out fine,’ it is proved that Nanasaheb was deposed at least for some days. Thereafter, his opponents began attacking the Peshwa’s magnanimity, or the lack of it.

To be continued…