INTERNAL-EXTERNAL HURDLES

Since Babuji Naik had collected some tribute in Sambhaji II’s realms, Sambhaji II had come to Satara and sat there for five to six months in order to complain against Naik. Meanwhile, when the Peshwa stood guarantor, Sambhaji II left. Accordingly, after Sambhaji II left, Babuji Naik came to Satara for meeting Maharaj. Shahu protested against him, “Due to this, he began fasting sitting on the Swami’s doorway. Because of that, Maharaj became very angry. The mediators keep falling at the Swami’s feet daily. Don’t know what result God has appointed.”

Babuji’s plight brought a letter from the Peshwa’s grandmother Radhabai asking him to do whatever was necessary to save the lives of the Naik brothers. Babuji himself would not come before Maharaj. Eventually, the Peshwa compensated Sambhaji II. Over time, Babuji was given some compensation and he withdrew his fast.

In the month of May 1747, Raghuji came to Satara. In the initial two to three months of the same year, Shahu had become upset with the Peshwa and he had been removed from the office for a short while. One can speculate from this, that Shahu suggested taking away the Peshwa office, and that Raghuji manage the complete administration. But Raghuji and the Peshwa discussed this proposal, and Raghuji did not accept the burden of the administration. At this time, Kanhoji Bhosale’s son Rayaji and Raghuji were struggling with each other. A report says on 1 May 1747, “Raghujibaba was presented protocol clothes by the younger queen. But he is still here. His attention is drawn towards Rayaji Bhosale’s benefices. Once that is resolved, Raghuji will leave.”

This bickering between Sambhaji II and Babuji Naik lasted until Shahu’s end. On 7 June 1747, Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Anubai), Aabaji Naik’s wife died, due to which, the relation between the Peshwas and the Naiks came to an end.

After leaving Tiruchirappalli, Murarrao Ghorpade had been staying at Gutti. Sambhaji II and Jijabai invited him to Kolhapur in the month of December 1747 with an intention to break the back of the numerous disputes that prevailed in their realms. Arjoji Jadhav had been sitting pretty with stations like Wadgaon etc. under his control. Murarrao taught him a sound lesson, and settled down Jijabai’s control everywhere. He had three-and-a-half-thousand cavalrymen and three cannons. One of the erstwhile scribe reports, “Previously, at the time of Bajirao Peshwa, the Nizam had supported Panhala’s Maharaj and raised the heat. Similar plan seems to be afoot again. Murarrao’s sweet-talk has influenced Sambhaji II and Jijabai. Baisaheb is extremely scheming. She does not have a quiet mind.”

In 1747, the news about Mahadaji Ambaji Purandare’s betrayal reached Shahu. Kohlapur was rife with such big or small conspiracies. Without engaging in them much, Murarrao went back to the Carnatic in the month of March 1748.

The Nizam summoned Anwaruddin Khan from Arcot, and in a battle against the combined armies of the Nizam and the Nawab’s of the Carnatic, Babuji faced a defeat at Basavapattan. In the process, Babuji had lost the bulk of his wealth in defending the territory between the Krishna and Tungabhadra that Shahu had given him to administer.

The Nizam began his activities to collect tributes from Bednoor, Savnoor etc. Naik, Peshwa etc. people were trying to accomplish their objectives through the Nizam’s approval, without opposing the Nizam or giving him battle. The Nizam dispatched his son Naseer Jung to the Carnatic, but he could not achieve much. The Nizam was getting old and Maratha presence in the south had reduced over the last few years. Since around this time, the Nizam’s health went on deteriorating day-by-day, and he died later. Due to this, the Peshwa began succeeding in the Carnatic.

Babuji Naik’s last attempt to fight for the Carnatic was in June 1748. The situation had changed by then as Chanda Saheb had been released by the Marathas for a ransom and a fresh Maratha army under Fatehsingh and Raghuji had gathered at Akkalkot, ready to march towards the Carnatic. A message from Satara that reached Ananda Ranga Pillai at Pondicherry describes Babuji’s anguish, “The messenger from Satara tells me that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale have assembled their troops at a place called Akkalkot, 180 miles this side of Satara, and are marching this way. When Babuji Naik, who has lost fifty lakh rupees, heard that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale had been sent to the Carnatic instead of himself, he set fire to his tents and goods, and has been lying at Shahu Raja’s gate for the last 20 days in the garb of an ascetic, with his wife and another person, threatening to poison himself. Chanda Saheb has taken leave, saying that he will return when he has recovered Tiruchirappalli.”

To obtain some compensation, Babuji Naik had, on one occasion, actually consumed poison to put the blame of ‘Brahma-Hatya’ (death of a Brahmin) on Maharaj. It was an extreme form of Dharna to press Shahu for retiring his debts. Shahu’s biographer says, “When Maharaj learnt of this he said, ‘Babuji did this after I said I will take care of his debts. Give him milk.’ The king then gave him milk and the effect of the Somal (poison) was overcome.”

There is another reference from the month of June 1748, “Babuji Naik (and probably the family members) had consumed poison. Out of all, Aabaji and his senior wife recovered. But Babuji Naik is not recovering. Situation seems difficult.”

To be continued…

BHAU’S SUCCESS, NAIK’S ENVY

The Peshwa did not stray very far from Satara. He went to Waduth, about twenty kilometres away and camped there on the bank of the river Krishna. The temple of Shakuntaleshwar built by him a few years later was possibly a favourite camping site. From Waduth, Nanasaheb wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 24 March 1747 to come and meet him from his base at Wagholi. Pilaji was a veteran, but not keeping well. Yet, one finds the Peshwa urging, “I am at Waduth. Come immediately. I am waiting for you. Even if you are unwell, you should come. I will not detain you for long. This is an important matter about a campaign.”

The matter involved Pilaji’s advice about events in Satara as well as the news that the Nizam was marching on Bhau’s army in the Carnatic. Again, he wrote, “You should definitely come. The Nizam is heading for Savnoor and Bednoor. Naturally, he will cross Bhau. Naik is also accompanying him. This complication must be resisted. This is Bhau’s first campaign. He should preserve his good name. The elder queen has begun to increase Maharaj’s anger driven by the expectation of marginal profit. The Nawab intends to keep his feet planted over both the boats. Bhau has captured the Kittur station. Now he is on his way to Sondhe. Emissaries have been dispatched to Bednoor. The Portuguese are under pressure. If Naik comes, we are thinking of blowing him away. I am waiting for you.” These letters of March 1747 were the culmination of a prolonged period during which Maharaj was displeased with the Peshwa.

The Nizam dispatched Naseer Jung in Carnatic behind Sadashivrao Bhau. Meanwhile, the Peshwa established contact with Murarrao Ghorpade and began foiling Naik’s plans.

On 30 March 1747, Bhau met Murarrao. Amicable discussions took place. But Murarrao did not join the campaign. He was in discussions with Kolhapur. On 3 May 1747, Bhau camped at Saundatti. Bhau roughed up and brought under his control the whole region from Patshahpur up to Harihar, Basavapattan. Here, Shahu also got angry with the Peshwa and had removed him from the office of the Pradhan for a short while. Sadashivrao’s campaign was a success, and after a four-month period, towards the end of May 1747, Bhau returned from the north Carnatic with enough tribute to take care of some of Shahu’s debts. The successful campaign brought Bhau centrestage and the Kolhapur Chhatrapati even offered Bhau the post of the Peshwa at his court. Nanasaheb soon foreclosed that option by designating Bhau as his own Dewan – a post that Chimaji Appa held in Bajirao’s time.

Sadashivrao Bhau met the Peshwa near Pandharpur. The Peshwa seems to have himself described the overall outcome of the campaign, “In the Carnatic campaign, one has to survive on grass. Less income and more spend.”

However, Sadashivrao Bhau got the first valuable experience to show his prowess, and his brilliance came afore. It was not a small thing that this campaign gave rise to a man with unmatched aggression.

Due to Peshwa’s actions, Babuji Naik became miserable. He thought about camping in the Carnatic. But because he did not have any money, he faced privations. Facing countless problems, he began grovelling in front of the Nizam. “We wrote, ‘If we go back to Satara, we would not live. Nawab should save us. If you agree to keep us in your service along with our contingent, we would happily serve you, but please do not send us back.’ But you (Nizam) replied, ‘Return back. Do not stay with me.’ Since that day, both have not had any food to eat, and are fasting. Nawab has sent some mangoes, jackfruit, and coconuts. He left and marched off to return. At the Kanmadi fort, Naik clashed with Murarrao. Naseer Jung encamped at Shire.”

Due to the competition between the Peshwa and Naik, Sadashivrao’s campaign could not achieve expected success. Since he returned a failure, Naik lost all his prestige with the Maharaj. Both the queens began following-up with him for repayment of loans. “Maharaj posted guards in front of his house. They behaved strictly. Both the brothers fasted until the evening. Aabaji Naik took a poison pouch in his hands. Babuji began searching for a dagger to hurt himself in his stomach. Aatmaram Joshi came there and took away the poison pouch. Both of them went to the extreme and sat in front of Shri Siddheshwar. Raghuji Bhosale came there and tried to reason with him saying, that he would help them to secure the revenue rights in the Carnatic. After that, Naik brothers marched off and went to Manoli via Nargund. They are thinking if Maharaj sends strong ministers and take them back by honouring them with protocol presents, then they would go.”

The Peshwa had a firm resolve to not allow Babuji Naik settle down in the Carnatic. Many others tried very hard to foil this objective. “To ensure that the Peshwa should not be able to set up his own principalities (in the Carnatic), the senior queen, Fatehsingh Baba, Raghuji Bhosale, Yashwantrao Potnis etc. people had been trying hard to convince Murarrao. Babuji Naik had also sent his emissaries there.”

But towards the end of 1747, and the year after that, Shahu lost his attention over the administration. His health and heart grew weak. Seeing that it was impossible for anyone else except the Peshwa to carry the burden of the kingdom successfully, he handed over the full responsibility of the Carnatic to the Peshwa by the end of that year. The Peshwa informed his emissary, “The Carnatic province has been awarded to us through God’s own wish.”

Babuji Naik was driven away from the region. He tried really hard in that relation. But since his chief master himself later died, Naik did not have a strong support any more. Ramraja assumed the throne after Shahu, but he did not wield that much power. In the arrangements decided at Sangola, the Carnatic province was given to the Peshwa with the Chhatrapati’s orders. Naik later also participated in the revolt that Tarabai and Damaji Gaikwad raised against the Peshwa. But he could not survive in front of the Peshwa.

The Portuguese were well aware that Nanasaheb kept a close watch on their activities. On 7 October 1748, the Viceroy wrote in a letter, “Nana is on watch with open eyes to see if we march to the North. He not only made many adjustments to the forts taken from us but also fortified the islands of Arnala, Karanje and many other ports, indicating the use of everything in their defence.”

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…

SADASHIVRAO BHAU – DEBUT

In September 1746, Nanasaheb had begun plans to send an army headed by Chimaji Appa’s son Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. The debut of Sadashivrao Bhau, the Peshwa’s cousin, going into his first campaign occupied Nanasaheb’s attention. It was to be the sixteen-year-old Sadashivrao’s first outing on the battlefield. With the Carnatic becoming an area where Raghuji, Fatehsingh and Babuji were all interested, the Peshwa threw his hat in the ring by deputing Sadashivrao to lead an army there. However, before that, he had obtained the districts of Bednoor, Sondhe, Bankapur, and Saavnoor as his area of conquest from Shahu. To guide Sadashivrao Bhau, Nanasaheb wanted the veteran Pilaji Jadhavraoto accompany him.

On 1 December 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao as follows, “Rajashree Sambhaji Maharaj II’s Tehsils Sondhe, Bednoor, Savnoor, Bankapur etc. principalities have been handed over by the Swami to us. Further, it has been agreed that Rajashree Babuji Naik should not enter those regions. The income from these Tehsils should be collected. It is not like you don’t understand whether those people would hand over the revenue collections without the pressure of the army. Therefore, it is necessary that we send sufficient force there. Secondly, the Portuguese have started a dispute against the Sawants. They have captured two or three outposts belonging to the Sawants. Sawants have been the servants of the government from the beginning. They have served well, which is why helping them is must. So, we have prepared to dispatch a strong army. We have thought that Chiranjeev Rajashree Sadoba should be given leave to proceed on a campaign in that province. In two or four days, Rajashree Swami will give his approval. Chiranjeev has never gone on a campaign. Therefore, you will also need to accompany him. Who else but you! If you are with him, we will be carefree. You and him, along with the force, should go to the religious place of Narasimha Saraswati. Resolve the revenue collections for those principalities and collect whatever possible. On the other side, where the Portuguese have mounted an attack over the Sawants, around two thousand strong army needs to be sent there. Dispatch it and help them. In summary, you have forces along with you, send them to Vasai. You remain ready along with all your contingents. The moment Rajashree Swami provides his permission, we will write to you, when you should immediately ride off and come here. Regards.”

This undoubtedly shows that Nanasaheb had secured Shahu’s permission to dispatch Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. Seeing that Naik would not be able to achieve success, Shahu himself made this arrangement. However, Pilaji was unwell and could not join.

Sadashivrao Bhau left for the Carnatic in December 1746 with the Peshwa keeping track of his movements. Sakharam Bapu, the later Maratha statesman, accompanied Bhau. Bhau first took the strong fort of Bahadur Benda near Koppal from the Nawab of Saavnoor and thirty-six other Parganas. He brought Savnoor under the ambit of Nanasaheb Peshwa’s rule. A secret clause to the treaty was the annual payment of seventy-five thousand rupees to the Peshwa.

Bhau threatened to come down into the plains and attack Goa. The Portuguese took note of his attempt to chastise the ruler of the state of Sondhe, who had helped the Portuguese in an attack on the Bhosales of Sawantwadi, who were under the protection of the Peshwa, “The army of Nana, composed of thirty thousand horses and an infinite infantry, began to march with rumours all over that the march was against Goa. It was rumoured that the army was dispatched to ask the king of Sondhe the reason he had helped us against the Bhosales without Nana’s permission, and to compel the king to surrender the forts of Suppen and Ussua… which he captured sword in hand. Sadoba, a cousin of Nana, a youth of eighteen years who appeared in the camp for the first time with a desire to earn a name… was the commandant of that force… As that army reached as near as three or four marches, I ordered occupation of all narrow passes of the Ghats. I also had the trees cut off and accumulated on the roads to put difficulties in the way of the march. The name of a Maratha creates such a terror in Asia that everyone trembles when it is mentioned.”

The Portuguese Viceroy then opened negotiations with Nanasaheb declaring that he had no intention of attacking Vasai. At Goa, the Viceroy boasted that though all the potentates in the region sent their ambassadors to prostrate at the feet of Sadoba, he sent none. He expressed his happiness when Bhau eventually marched away towards Canara.

To be continued…

BABUJI NAIK DEFEATED

Babuji Naik, with an intention of capturing Tiruchirappalli, had embarked on a campaign towards the end of 1744. A report arrived from the Nizam’s court on 20 January 1745 as follows, “Babuji Naik arrived near Bijapur. He has around four-thousand-strong force. Anwaruddin Khan etc. warriors are on their way to attack the Naik from the Carnatic. To threaten Naik, the Nizam is sending Muzaffar Jung with a huge force.”

Later, Babuji Naik and the Mughals clashed near Basavapattan. Anwaruddin and his son Mohammed Ali gathered the forces of all the local Zamindars from Cudappah, Kurnool, Savnoor, Shire, Bednoor, Adoni, Mysore etc. They had gathered around 69,000 men. For one whole week a tempestuous battle raged. Babuji Naik was defeated and ran towards Pune. The Nizam congratulated everybody including Anwaruddin etc. men. The exact date of this battle is not available. A letter dated 15 February 1745 mentions that both the armies were forming up in front of each other for a grand showdown. The letter goes on to say, that the Nizam was ready to give a huge ransom to the Marathas, but they said, that they would not return unless they capture Tiruchirappalli. Upon that, it seems, the above battle must have followed very soon. The following reference is found in Shahu’s Bakhar, “Babuji Naik went to the Carnatic province. The disputes with the various principals there escalated and things came to battle. The soldiery had to be retained. They were defeated in the ensuing battle, and were completely denuded. The expenses of the soldiery had to be borne by himself. He was beside himself with fear. He left the place and came back to Satara.”

Due to this, and after this, a terrible competition arose at Shahu’s court with respect to the affairs of the Carnatic. That has been expressed in good measure in many of the erstwhile documents. Naik faced such a huge ignominy, that he had to survive by protesting in front of Shahu, or even seeking help from the Nizam at times. This by-chance gave the opportunity of acting in the Carnatic to the Peshwa.

After coming back, Naik related his difficulties to Maharaj. “Maharaj had felicitated Naik by giving him the Mokasa (revenue rights) of the Carnatic. On 26 May 1745, Rajashree Swami conferred upon him the protocol garments, and bade him farewell. Maharaj’s sons with concubines, Yesaji and Kusaji Bhosale were given the authority over the Suba of Shirol, while Babuji Naik was given the authority over the whole Carnatic. In that, Tiruchirappalli and Shrirangapatnam were retained under the control of Maharaj. Apart from them, all the Carnatic Mahals like Adoni etc. were distributed half-and-half among Babuji Naik and Yesaji-Kusaji. The other half was to be utilised for soldiery and remaining was to be utilised for supplies to the central government. To establish the Swarajya’s control everywhere, and the income from revenues, around seven lakh rupees was to be deposited to the central government. This way, the agreement was finalised to direct the stewards of Bhosales and Naik to work together, and they were dispatched on the campaign.”

Meanwhile, the Peshwa got his own influence firmed up at the Nizam’s court through the Nizam’s chief steward Sayyed Lashkar Khan, and Kaigaonkar Dikshit. He began to cause troubles for Naik through the Nawab of Savnoor and Murarrao. At the Nizam’s court, and even outside, common people thought, “Only if the Pantapradhan takes over this province, his fortune will grace him. If he gets the Swami to give him authority over the whole of the Carnatic province beyond the Tungabhadra, only then he will be able to establish his respect all over.”

The Peshwa also informed Babuji Naik that he should hand over the revenue rights of the Carnatic to Sadashivrao Bhau, and relinquish his rights, so that the Peshwa would ensure appropriate security and help him survive too. But Naik did not agree with this arrangement. On 5 December 1746, the Peshwa dispatched Sadashivrao Bhau to the Carnatic. He was given Mahadoba Purandare and Sakharam Bapu for assistance.

Meanwhile in Satara, a different storm was brewing which Nanasaheb had to face before he or Sadashivrao Bhau could attempt to establish their authority over the Carnatic.

To be continued…

BACK-STORY – TIRUCHIRAPPALLI

Savnoor, a town sixty kilometres south of Hubli, was taken over by an Afghan Sardar in Aurangzeb’s time and his descendants had ruled over it since. Originally an officer at Bijapur, he switched allegiance to Aurangzeb when Bijapur was taken over by the Mughals. As is often the norm, there is a story that the founder, Nawab Abdul Rauf Khan, while on a hunt saw a hare chase a dog and struck by the scene decided to establish his capital there. Over the next sixty years, a succession of Nawabs tried to retain their independence. Shahu first sent Bajirao Peshwa against Savnoor in 1726, then it was ceded to Sambhaji II of Kolhapur as his area of influence in 1730. The Nizam had not given up his claims either. Savnoor had to pay Sambhaji II tribute off and on, however, a settled arrangement could not be enforced. Savnoor Nawab’s kingdom was quite expansive, and his control prevailed in the region between the rivers Krishna and Tungabhadra.

Besides Savnoor, many other big and small principalities were continuing almost independently in the Carnatic. They were Mysore, Bednoor, Chitradurga, Harpanahalli, Anagondi, and Rayadurga. Out of these, the Mysore realms were over the southern half of the Carnatic, while the rest were on the northern half of the Carnatic. In them, the Bednoor principality was quite big on the boundaries of the western Ghats. Beneath the Ghats, there was Sondhe principality, which also had some control over the Ghat regions. When the Nizam became independent, the Tanjore principality, and the Gutti principality established by the Ghorpades were two Maratha principalities in the Carnatic. Gutti’s rulers had under their control the forts of Gajendragad and Sondur. Gutti’s Murarrao Ghorpade turned out to be especially valorous. For fifty years, he established a sound influence over various rulers in the Carnatic. In summary, at the time of the Peshwa rule, three different types of rulers were powerful in the Carnatic, Muslims, Marathas and Kannadigas, and they kept engaging in internecine warfare as well.

Arcot Nawab’s kingdom was spread over the Carnatic Balaghat. The Nawab of Arcot, Sadat-ullah Khan of the Nevayat (immigrants from Arabia from the sixth century, literally meaning newcomer) dynasty ruled the territory for nearly three decades. On his death in 1732, his nephew Dost Ali Khan succeeded him, but the Nizam did not approve his accession.

When Dost Ali was managing the administration of the Carnatic, his son-in-law Hussein Dost Khan alias Chanda Saheb, a very clever and scheming gentleman rose to prominence in 1732. He improved his army, increased the revenue collections, and generated experience in state administration. He established friendly relations with the French and arranged for their assistance to be provided in emergency situations. In the same year, Chokkanatha, the Nayak ruler of Tiruchirappalli, died without an heir and Meenakshi, his queen, succeeded him. However, soon a descendant from another branch, named Bangaru Tirumala, disputed the succession and tried to take over the city. Taking this opportunity, Arcot’s Nawab Dost Ali dispatched his son-in-law Chanda Saheb along with the army to extract whatever advantage he could obtain from the dispute. Chanda Saheb played a very big treacherous game to capture Tiruchirappalli. He established relations with the queen there. Pitting the two protagonists at Tiruchirappalli against each other, Chanda Saheb won Meenakshi’s trust and obtained a large sum of money from her for safeguarding her city. Bangaru had to be content with the city of Madurai.

In the next four years, the Hindu kingdoms of Tanjore and Tiruchirappalli became the eye of the storm that ruffled the entire Carnatic. Maratha Sardars like Raghuji Bhosale etc. were fully aware of all this back-story. Thereafter, Chanda Saheb nursed the desire to destroy Hindu kingdoms of Tanjore and Madurai, and increase the prestige of his Islamic religion. The state of Tanjore had been conquered in 1676 by Vyankojiraje (or Ekojiraje) Bhosale, the stepbrother of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. After his death, his three sons, Shahaji II, Sarfoji, and Tukoji ruled one after the other, making it a rich and prosperous territory with its fertile well-irrigated lands. When Tukoji died in 1736, his son Shahaji III came to the throne, but was dependent on Sayyed Khan, his military commander, for support.

Sayyed Khan ousted Shahaji III from the throne and enthroned another claimant named Sidhoji. Shahaji III, therefore, began to scout for friends who would get him back to power and his quest took him to Benoit Dumas, the French Governor of Pondicherry. Dumas promised him help, in exchange for the east coast port of Karaikal. In his moment of need, Shahaji III agreed. However, Sayyed Khan once again supported him and brought him back to the throne. Shahaji III then repudiated his agreement with Dumas and refused to hand over Karaikal. Dumas who had friendly relations with Chanda Saheb, turned to him for help. Chanda Saheb then attacked Tanjore and conquered Karaikal for Dumas.

To be continued…

SHRIRANGAPATNAM CAMPAIGN

This year 1726 witnessed a change in the Marathas’ attitude towards the Nizam. Shahu sent a second expedition to the Carnatic after the rains in 1726, which did not cooperate with the Nizam. The Nawab of Savnoor, who had met Bajirao the previous year, was attacked by his neighbours and Shahu ordered Bajirao, Khanderao Dabhade, and Sultanji Nimbalkar to set out to the south to protect him. Fatehsingh Bhosale also joined the campaign. They began their march from Pandharpur; Bajirao and Trimbakrao Dabhade joined, however, Sultanji did not. By February 1727, the army stood before Shrirangapatnam, the capital of the king of Mysore – a residual state from the old Vijayanagar Empire. Although they resisted the Nizam’s efforts to increase his influence in the Carnatic, the Maratha army was plagued by illness and had a difficult time in the campaign.

Due to Nizam’s menace, in 1727’s Carnatic campaign, Bajirao’s mind remained extremely restless. Due to this, the campaign could not accomplish whatever was desired. Bajirao went roughing up the provinces on the western side. Collecting the tributes on the route in the provinces like Hukkeri, Samaangad, Belagavi, Kittur, Sondhe, he went through the Bednoor province, via Banawar, Hasan and reached Shrirangapatnam on 4 March. Staying there for a month, he came back to Satara taking the same route on return. Some Sardars and forces had gone towards Chitradurga as well to complete the pending tasks from the previous year. Bajirao himself had written that, in this campaign, the Maratha forces faced extreme privations due to the summer, scarcity of water, and diseases. All these problems have been mentioned in an erstwhile Powada (ballad) which seems trustworthy. In that ballad, the places like Buddhihaal, Chikkanahalli, Mahaballi, Nandigad, Ballapur, Nagamandala, Bengaluru, Bahiravdurga, Mangadi, and Devarayadurga have been mentioned, and all these are on the route of these two arms of the campaign that the Marathas took.

In this Shrirangapatnam campaign, Bajirao entered into a treaty with the Arcot’s Nawab Saadatullah Khan, which these Nawabs followed religiously for the next fifteen years. This expresses Bajirao’s capability and the objectives of Maratha leadership. Together in these two campaigns, the Marathas implemented their Chauth and Sardeshmukhi rights in the western and central Carnatic regions. They re-established the Maratha supremacy that had been set up there by the Ghorpades previously. The eastern part remained. Shahu later often expressed his incomplete desire to send forces again in the Carnatic to accomplish that. The Maratha power in the Carnatic was primarily in the hands of Sidhoji Hindurao Ghorpade and his son Murarrao. In 1726 and 1727, both the campaigns, Murarrao was personally in attendance. This Sardar who had been trained under Santaji, had become powerful and renowned in the southern regions, he proved especially helpful. In 1730, Murarrao came to Satara and met Shahu. Shahu felicitated him. Even before, and afterwards his emissaries used to keep visiting Shahu. Chitnis Bakhar historian writes, “Murarrao from Santaji’s family had been managing the Gutti principality. Maharaj sent him some messages, asking him to join the government’s army along with his equipment and show their prowess and service. Accordingly, he came along with his equipped army and met Maharaj. Tributes were extracted from all the Palegars at Surapur, Kanakadurga, Chitradurga, Gadag, Lakshmeshwar etc. as per the previously finalized rate. Only Shrirangapatnam’s tribute amounted to around twenty-one lakh rupees. Strict instructions to pay every year hereafter were given. Whichever stations, locations and forts that belonged to Swarajya earlier were freed and recaptured.”

From this, it is clear, that a lot of objectives were accomplished in these two campaigns, lonely Ghorpades in the Carnatic were given valuable support, and this helped in the later spread of the Maratha Confederacy in that region. After 1727, since the Nizam began his aggressive campaign, all efforts were directed to face it. Due to this, the pending tasks in the Carnatic took a back-seat. But, Shahu insisted and got it completed in 1740-41.

The Nizam sent a letter to Shahu where he complained about Maratha support to Pathan chiefs in the south. The letter tells us more about Maratha activities in that campaign:

“Prior to my departure from Hyderabad to put the affairs of Carnatic in order, letters had been addressed to Shripatrao, Sultanji Nimbalkar, and Bajirao asking them to join me on the way. They did not come. Their arrival was delayed beyond measure. This was against the agreement and friendship. They conspired to raise commotion on all sides and to disturb my plan. Your Sardars cooperated with my opponents; I would have destroyed them. It was only out of regard for you, who is considerate and not in favour of such improper acts, that I ignored the manoeuvres of your chiefs.”

He ended the letter with an olive branch to Shahu,

“It is our duty to secure the country and be considerate to people who are the creation of God. I have sent trusted officers to you to express my sincere regards for you and stress the need for securing the country. This is due to the firm friendship which I have with you.”

To be continued…

NIZAM’S STRATEGY

The Nizam’s meeting with Bajirao – his fourth in a span of six years – and the impression the two carried of each other’s intentions were to leave their mark in the years to come. The Nizam followed the old Mughal line of fomenting dissension between the two Maratha kings while drawing their chiefs into his fold. Bajirao understood that Shahu’s policy of accommodating the Nizam would be at the cost of their own kingdom. He resolved therefore, to resist the Nizam’s endeavours to engulf the Maratha state.

The Nizam concludes his letter about the Carnatic campaign of early 1726, claiming success:

“During these days our army had turned its attention to set the affair of Carnatic in order. So great was the impression created by the army of Islam that all pride evaporated from the haughty chiefs. Shripatrao, Sambhaji Nimbalkar, Bajirao, and other chiefs of Raja Shahu joined me with ten to eleven thousand cavalry. Hindurao, Narsinghrao and Neelaprabhu on behalf of Raja Sambhaji II joined me with a considerable army. By God’s grace a strong and numerous army was gathered. The Raja of Mysore and the Raja of Bednoor were the two important chiefs in this region. They were proud of their army, and their inaccessible territory. They had not submitted even during the reign of Hazarat Khuld Makan… On the news of the arrival of the army, they submitted and vied with each other in paying tributes.”

The moment Bajirao returned back from the first campaign, the Nizam or his assistants upon his orders, attacked the Hindu principalities in the Carnatic. This clarifies, that the Nizam tried to break the project begun by Shahu there. On 20 July 1726, Shahu wrote to Lakshmeshwar’s Deshmukh, “You sent the request letters. We understand the issue at hand. Nawab has begun much atrocities against you. They are engaged in the efforts to establish their outposts at every other village. So, you have written that the Swami should protect the station using his own resources. The Swami feels proud about you from the beginning. The security of that province is our responsibility. For this, we have ordered the Sarlashkar, Pradhan, and Senapati to bring their forces. You gather your forces and ensure that the Nawab is not able to enter your region. The Swami will dispatch the forces by the Dussehra.”

To keep a watch over the Marathas, the Nizam himself embarked on a campaign in the summer of 1726 from Hyderabad up to Adoni, and from there he dispatched forces over Lakshmeshwar in the monsoon season. Hearing that the Nawab had wrought such a havoc in the Carnatic, Shahu decided to again quickly send a campaign there on the coming Dussehra. He informed Bajirao and Dabhade through handwritten orders that, “Both of you ride off on the auspicious occasion of Vijayadashmi, and without delaying any further, in complete haste, with fully prepared forces, come towards Pandharpur.”

According to this order, the second campaign began on the Dussehra, which is called the Shrirangapatnam campaign. Khanderao Dabhade was personally present in this campaign. Fatehsingh Bhosale did not accompany Bajirao up to Shrirangapatnam. He carried out the responsibility of collecting the Chauth in the Gulbarga province.

The Nizam maintained friendly relations with the Marathas outwardly, and kept scheming internally. He had realised, that if he did not think of some strong solution to the Maratha ‘problem’ soon, like Malwa in the north, they would find roots in the Carnatic as well. Therefore, while the Maratha Sardars were in the south in 1726, he used Chandrasen Jadhav in Maharashtra, and began slicing away the Maratha regions. He dispatched forces to the Carnatic. Instigated Sambhaji II again against Shahu. He also began efforts to break away Shahu’s Sardars like Kanhoji Bhosale, Sarlashkar Sultanji Nimbalkar, etc. One more year went by for these things to show their results. But Bajirao stayed alert and resisted all of them.

Haibatrao’s son Sultanji Nimbalkar was holding the Sarlashkar position since 1714. In 1726, Shahu found out his treacherous intentions. So, Shahu first appointed a new steward under Sultanji from his side, and intentionally not allowing him to proceed on the Carnatic campaign, recalled Sultanji to meet him (19 November 1726). But since he did not remain loyal to Shahu, or openly joined the Nizam, his brother Sidhoji was taken into service and later he was given the Sarlashkar’s office by Shahu.

To be continued…

SONDHE AFFAIR

The Maratha army assembled by the end of 1725 and headed south collecting tribute on the way. They passed Galgale and Mudhol and camped at Bedhatti, where the Nawab of Savnoor Abdul Gaffar Pathan met Bajirao. The armies travelled along the Nizam’s border via Bijapur, Gulbarga, Galgale, Koppal, up to Chitradurga. They crossed the river Tungabhadra and reached Chitradurga a strong fort in western Carnatic.

Overall, around fifty-thousand Marathas had gathered for the campaign. Santaji Ghorpade had been the erstwhile Commander-in-Chief during the time of Rajaram Maharaj. His sons, Ranoji and Piraji had been serving Sambhaji II. Piraji and Murarrao were protecting the Gutti principality. Shahu Maharaj wrote to them, asking them to join the campaign and prove their service. So, they too went to the Carnatic with Fatehsingh. Maharaj sent Fatehsingh to meet Sharfojiraje at Tanjore.

The armies encamped around three-quarters of a month on the banks of Hayagriva River. As two months had already passed since the armies had left, and there was no news reported to him yet, so Shahu got restless. He wrote harsh letters to everyone including the Pratinidhi, Bajirao, Sarlashkar, Trimbakrao Dabhade etc. on 21 March, saying, “You all are authoritative servants. Where have you reached, what is the plan, all this, you have not informed since you left. This is unprecedented. Still, inform about your day-to-day progress to the Swami.”

The accomplishments of this campaign have been described by the Chitnis as follows, “The armies collected the pending tribute amounts, agreed that they were paid regularly every year thereafter. The stations belonging to us had been lost, they were recaptured. Whoever displayed arrogance, were given warnings.”

The scope of this campaign in terms of area seems to be from Chitradurga in the east up to Sondhe-Bednoor in the west. When Maratha soldiers attacked Sondhe, the ruler there sent an emissary to Shahu and informed about his surrender. Upon that, Shahu wrote an order addressed to Bajirao and the Pratinidhi on 21 February 1726 as follows, “Sondhe’s ruler is our ancient friend. He was cornered on all sides, and therefore has become upset. He holds natural loyalty towards the Swami. Swami must ensure they are continued in their possessions. Therefore, to negotiate terms, we are sending Gopal Ram, who will negotiate on our behalf. Accordingly, leave sustainable portion of the tribute for their survival, and protect the principality.”

This meant, the Marathas did not trouble the Sondhe’s ruler. At the time of Rajaram, Sondhe’s Sadashiv Naik had sought refuge with the Marathas. He died after 1702 and his son Raja Basavalinga sat on the throne. He ruled up to 1732. He had sent the above request to Shahu and secured his graces. “Accepting the Raja’s friendly wishes, Chhatrapati dispatched his emissaries Bhanji Ballal and Devji Vishwanath to Sondhe. They agreed the terms that, every year, the Raja should send forty-five thousand rupees as the tribute, and if any other enemy attacked the principality, through whatever help needed, defeating the enemy, the Marathas should allow him to enjoy the rulership of the principality without any hindrance. The Marathas should remove their own outposts, and return back to their realms.”

The above description shows the Maratha rights for the Chauth collection and their responsibility to protect their tributaries from external enemies. It is clear from the examples of Sondhe and others that the Hindu rulers in the Carnatic felt happier becoming tributaries to the Marathas rather than the Muslims.

However, the affairs around Sondhe’s rulers did not end here. Later, Nizam-ul-Mulk forced them into surrender. At that time, the Marathas could not go to their protection on time. At that time, Sawai Ramchandra Raja Sondhekar had written an extremely urgent request letter to Bajirao.

Even though Nizam himself did not enter the Carnatic, some of his Sardars and army were with the Marathas. At Shire, the army joined the Nizam. The Nizam camped with troops of Shahu on one side, and of Sambhaji II on the other. In his letter of April 1726, he describes his happiness at seeing the open divide between Shahu and Sambhaji II:

“Bajirao and Shripatrao met me on the 23 March 1726. Neelaprabhu the Chief Minister of Raja Sambhaji II, (was) already in my camp. On seeing them, Shripatrao and Bajirao were confused. Their bewilderment cannot be described. They were full of pride and had aimed at making great demands on me (bring pressure on me). By God’s grace, wolf and lamb lay together. Both these troops were camped on both the sides of my army. They were not favourably inclined towards each other. It was all God’s grace.”

To be continued…

BAJIRAO-NIZAM RELATIONS

Shahu had planned to bring about a permanent peace with the Nizam by discussing with him on the lines, “Do you want to implement the Imperial notifications or not? If you want, then first of all remove your officials and relinquish your control over all the regions that have been identified as Swarajya. From the regions outside the Swarajya, from all six Subas of the Deccan, ensure that the Chauth revenues are collected and sent to us without any complaints. This will ensure that there won’t be any dispute amongst us and we can enjoy each other’s sweet friendship.”

This meeting between the Nizam and Bajirao occurred on 4 January 1721 at Chikhalthana to Chalisgaon’s east. Bajirao’s mother congratulated him for this saying, “The meeting took place. Excellent. God has blessed you with success. Now bid farewell to the Nawab and come back quickly.”

Shahu also expressed satisfaction. The meeting probably went on for four to eight days. General etiquettes were profusely observed, but there was no in-principle benefit that accrued to the Marathas. Bajirao was able to only get away from the blame that some people attributed to him, and prove that, he himself never troubled anybody, and was ready to resolve the dispute through peaceful negotiations. He made a resolution that hereafter he would rely only on his own power. The expectation harboured by traditionalists that the future projects would be set on their paths through the face-to-face meeting was proved to be false.

It is really appreciable to understand how other such face-to-face meetings between Bajirao and the Nizam occurred. Except for the meetings after the battles at Sakharkherda, Palkhed, Bhopal etc. that took place for negotiating the treaty, there were at least four meetings of significance that took place – at Chikhalthana on 4 January 1721, at Badkashan (Bodsha) in Malwa on 13 February 1723, at Nalchha on 18 May 1724, and at Rohe-Rameshwar (aka Rui-Rameshwar) on the banks of Manjra river on 27 December 1732. Three of the above meetings were nominal in form. In them, there was no permanent resolution that was achieved. It was clear, what Bajirao wanted, the Nizam did not want to give it. Bajirao also knew all this fully well, and relied on his own power. But the meetings took place on insistence from Shahu Maharaj. Shahu did not want any hostilities, and Nizam used to play the blabbermouth. Depending on his big promises, agreeing for the meeting through the Sumant, he would bring about the meeting. Bajirao did not feel like shrugging it off on purpose. Therefore, even after the meeting, he would continue his projects of various campaigns. Nizam and Mubarij Khan went further south towards Dharwad, Savnoor, Bednoor etc. to establish their control. The emissary Krishnaji Anandrao Sumant writes, “They are especially afraid of the Swami’s (Bajirao’s) prowess.”

Here, in the Pune province, Kareem Beg and Turktaj Khan were constantly troubling. Bajirao kept resisting them. Mubarij Khan was earlier named Amanat Khan. He was earlier looking after Gujarat’s administration. In 1712, Jahandarshah transferred him from Gujarat to Malwa province. For proving his mettle there, Jahandarshah conferred upon him the epithet of Shahamat Khan. After this, Badshah Farrukhsiyar awarded him with one more epithet Mubarij Khan and appointed him as the Nazim at Hyderabad. He spent many years at this office. He came in contact with the Marathas. He is referred to as the Bhaganagar Mughal in Maratha documents. While managing the Hyderabad administration for ten long years, he had destroyed all the rebels and established the Mughal control in the south right up to the Carnatic. In 1721, he also went on a campaign with the Nizam in the Carnatic and settled their control there. Later, the Nizam went to Delhi as the Vazir, when he kept Mubarij Khan in the Deccan as his trusted lieutenant. There is one more name that occurs in Maratha documents, Kambaraj Khan, which is the incorrect reading of the word ‘Mubarij’ in the Modi script.

To be continued…