SHAHUNAGAR

From the point of view of security, Maratha capital had been settled atop the Satara fort. Later, when it was felt to be inconvenient, Shahu settled a small new city beneath the fort towards the north, and named it Shahunagar. This is Satara of recent times.

Satara was the name of the fort. Shahunagar was the name of the city. “All the standard workshops of the fort were kept at the top of Satara, and a mansion was also built there. A tank was built named as Shahu Talav. It was decided that some people would live at the top, while some would live beneath. The city Shahunagar which was settled beneath and the mansion built within it, did not have water supply, for which a canal was built and water was supplied from Yavateshwar.”

Water was brought from Yavateshwar and Mahadara and arrangement was made for ample water supply for Satara since the time of Shahu Maharaj. The constitution of this Shahunagar and the names of its various parts are reminiscent of the reign of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj. Even though its political relevance has vanished, people are still proud of Satara as the famous capital of the Maratha Confederacy. In the month of December 1720, Bajirao met Shahu at the Satara fort. After that, the meetings for the next seven to eight months have taken place at Machi Satara fort. Shahunagar was established around 1721. In one of the letters dated 18 March 1721, there is a reference to urgently construct a mansion. Shahu and the Peshwa would meet during the initial period there, which have been documented in the daily diary. From these entries one can understand the various constituent elements of the city. Later, in the month of August 1721, there is a reference that Bajirao met Shahu near Shahunagar. This means, Shahunagar was built around 1721.

In these meetings at his capital, Shahu would typically sit on the throne. Shahu’s throne was initially at the Satara fort where the coronation ceremony had taken place. Later, he brought it to the Machi at Shahunagar and housed it in a specially built Ranga-Mahal mansion. In the courtyard behind the throne, there used to be a well named Takht-well. The Chhatrapati’s seat has been variously named Manchak, Takht, Sinhasan etc. The front courtyard of the Ranga-Mahal earlier had a large mansion which housed this throne.

The building called as Adalat (court) was built by Shahu. The Peshwas used to halt here in this garden. The Purandare mansion was nearby. A big transformation came about in the structure of the city between Shahu’s time and after him. On 20 March 1753, the Holi night, a huge fire broke out in Shahunagar and most of the mansions in the city burned down. The Purandare diary notes that in this fire, the mansions belonging to the Peshwa, Purandares, Govindrao Chitnis, Naro Ram Mantri, Dattajipant Waknis, etc. all burned to ashes. Thus, it seems that since there was no necessity, the Peshwa never rebuilt their mansion in Shahunagar or Satara. The British government sold the Rangamahal mansion in 1865. This mansion came to be called as Senapati’s mansion later. This mansion burned down in 1874, and has not left any ruins.

The smaller areas of the city were named after the seven days of the week. Besides, there were other areas named after historical persons like Ramau’s Goth (area), Yadavgopal Peth, Vyankatpura, Chimanpura, Durgapura, Kesarkar Peth, Rajaspura, Pant’s Goth, Raghunathpura etc. In the Mangalwar Peth there was another sub-block named Ramau’s Goth. Nagpur’s Bhosale had his mansion there. This Bhosale family had an elderly woman named Ramau, and the area had been named after her. Another area was named Vyankatpura, which was named after the original ancestral founder of the Ichalkaranji principality, Vyankatrao Ghorpade, who was also a son-in-law for Balaji Vishwanath. It had the famous temple of Shrikrishneshwar. It was built by Bajirao’s maternal uncle Krishnarao Chaskar in Shaka 1645 when he was the official at Satara. This temple is at the western extremity of the town at the foothills of Yavateshwar. When the temple was built, it used to be called Sadashivpura. But when Vyankatrao Ghorpade built his mansion there and began permanently staying in it, it started getting referred to as Vyankatpura. One of Shahu’s Sardars Chimnaji Damodar had his stables (and military camp) at Satara. This place was called Chimanpura. Vishnu Vishwanath Pandit was a private steward of queen Sagunabai. Through his offices, the construction work of Bhargavram’s temple at Dhavadshi was completed. Shahu fathered a daughter with Sagunabai named Rajasbai. The place Rajaspura in Satara was named after her. Tarabai’s erstwhile steward Yadav Gopal Khatavkar enlised into Shahu’s service as his first chief steward. There was one more place in Satara named after him. This area was also known as Peth-Khalsa. Shahu had issued a grant-notification to Yadav Gopal for the Khalsa income. Due to that, Yadav Gopal’s family had also been given the surname Khalse. To the north of Satara city, there was a Peth named Raghunathpura, which now forms a part of the Karanje town. It was named after Bajirao’s son Raghunath.

Beyond the Adalat mansion Khateeb’s house and mosque was built. Dafle was given land for his stables on the Machi, apart from the mansions belonging to Akkalkot’s principal, Mantri, Pingles, the stables belonging to Sheikh Mira, etc. which lasted as ruins until recent times. Sheikh Mira was the Adilshahi Subedar of the Wai province. When Shahu arrived in the Deccan, he was assisting Parashuram Trimbak at the Satara fort. He got the Pratinidhi arrested and handed over the fort to Shahu Maharaj. Therefore, he became Shahu’s favourite and he was closely associated with Satara.

Satara also had a mansion owned by the Sachiv. Whenever he had to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. It had been decided that the expenses of the government Pilkhana (elephant stables) should be borne by the Sachiv. The Pilkhana which was earlier near the Ranga-Mahal had moved to the Yadav Gopal Peth. As a tradition, Maharaj while being carried in ceremonial procession, would take a route beginning at the Ranga-Mahal, to the Adalat, through the Yadav Gopal Peth, to the royal mansion. Otherwise, at the time of larger ceremonies, from the royal mansion, taking the larger road through Bhawani Peth, through the Guruwara, from the Poi square, back to the Ranga-Mahal.

There are numerous references of people from the north Hindustan and from the south coming and settling down at Satara along with their families for businesses like moneylending, diplomatic duties, ritual worship of deities, etc.

Somwar Peth had the mansion belonging to the Angal family. A much famous member of this family Parashuram Narayan Angal had been a renowned moneylender. This Angal family had built the Rameshwar temple at Mahuli confluence, and one of the Ghats over the confluence, and they had also renovated the Krishna River temple at Mahabaleshwar. Shaniwar Peth had two mansions belonging to Balajipant Natoo. The old mansion had been awarded to him at the time of King Pratapsingh Bhosale. Whenever Nana Fadnis used to visit Satara, he used to stay in this mansion. Sumant had his mansion opposite the Natoo mansion. Sumant’s descendants continued living at Riswad in the Karhad Tehsil. Guruwar Peth had the mansions belonging to the Shirkes and Panditrao. These Shirkes were originally from a town named ‘Shreek’. Shahu’s wife Sakwarbai and Sambhaji II’s wife Jijabai both came from this Shirke family. Raviwar Peth had Pant’s Goth. The Pratinidhi used to stay here in his mansion nearby. In terms of association with Satara, Pratinidhi was next only to Shahu Maharaj.

A gentleman named Tansheth Bhurke was the official of the mint during Shahu Maharaj’s reign. Shahu had conferred upon him this authority in the Coronation Era 67, i.e. 1740. Tansheth’s ancestors had been serving Adilshahi at Sangamner on similar responsibility of managing the mint. This family lasted until recently at Satara in the moneylending business.

To be continued…

BRIHAD-MAHARASHTRA

Many have attributed one blame to Shahu and the Peshwas that they broke the cardinal rule set in place by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj not to award land-parcels as benefices to anybody in lieu of the services rendered, and created many renowned and powerful Jagirdars. This point has also been discussed previously as per the situation. These Jagirdars were born in the times of utmost calamity for the Marathi kingdom. Shahu and the Peshwas simply utilised them and engaged them in the future cause of the kingdom. There was hardly any other way in those times. Until the time there was a master who would keep these Jagirdars under his influence and would get the kingdom’s objectives accomplished through them, this policy proved successful. It is clear that the kingdom was destroyed when such a master was lacking. In all this, Shahu recognised that the general Maratha nature was somewhat selfish and quarrelsome, but utilised this inherent nature in the cause of the national enterprise. It is not difficult to guess what Shahu said to these Sardars when they came to meet him. He used to say, “You don’t have money, we too are the same. The region belongs to you. Gather forces. Keep moving around wherever is convenient for you. Set up your outposts. Build permanent mansions. Settle new towns and colonies. Begin industries-trade-moneylending businesses. Build temples. Take good care of the deities and Brahmins. Do not oppress or hate anybody. This way, even God will grace you. Your poverty will be alleviated. The nation’s fortune will turn. If you don’t have money take loans. Grow your enterprise and repay them back.”

Thus, Shahu showed his people this self-sufficient business which they could run without much capital investment. During his lifetime he achieved much success in it. After that, if the business went bankrupt, it cannot be blamed on Shahu. East India Company was established in England and began working here. Wasn’t its enterprise of the same nature! The Company stood up capital, established factories. Shahu’s Sardars took loans, gathered colleagues and assistants who would lay down their lives, accepted the path of adventure and faced difficulties, at times even sacrificing their own lives. Someone settled Nagpur, someone else set themselves at Dhar; someone copied the Peshwa’s Pune mansion at Indore, built temples at various places, established marketplaces, took all eighteen major castes of Maharashtra along with them from the Deccan to the north, and established new permanent cantonments in the north. Due to this, the Maratha Confederacy expanded quickly and Maratha history took shape. The later Brihan-Maharashtra movement had germinated in Shahu’s above enterprise. For five hundred long years, this land of Bharat had become hopeless and there was no saviour left for the Hindus. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj began the work of fighting with this adversity first, which was completed by Shahu. Hindus again began an energising period in their history. The ponies from the Bheemthadi (banks of the Bheema River, an indigenous horse breed belonging to the Deccan) drank the waters of the Panchagangas (five sacred rivers), and even at Attock. The credit for this period of fifty to seventy-five years becoming famous in history, goes to Shahu. Even East India Company took more time than this to settle itself down. The difference between the two examples was, Shahu cultivated everybody’s love and respect without holding any animosity towards anybody. We have read the atrocities that were committed by Nadir Shah or Clive. Shahu never allowed that tendency to misuse funds to take root in his kingdom. A Firman ordering ban on cow-slaughter was issued in the whole of Hindustan, Hindu religious places of pilgrimage were freed from Islamic control, moneylending agencies were created everywhere, cultural exchange quickened between the north and south India, and the life in Maharashtra became healthy and prosperous. In all this, even though bad things also made their way along with the good ones, it is as per the nature of all creation.

Many of the Brahmin families like Purandare, Hingne, Patankar, Dani etc. came forth to give sound company to the Marathas and participated in the cause of the nation. Their stories and legends are so abundant, that they have imparted their own excellent radiance to Shahu’s administration and Maratha history. Only one example truly personifies the growing brilliance of the Marathas. One small Purohit officiating rituals at the religious place of Nasik, Mahadevbhat Hingne, went to Delhi along with Balaji Vishwanath, managed the affairs of maintaining relations with the Mughal Empire there, and in a face-to-face meeting with the Vazir, faced the adventure of challenging him and laid down his life for the same. Due to the abominable murder of Bhaskarram in Bengal, the Marathas were able to establish their control over that province. Shahu’s overall administration and the memory of the structure of Shahunagar which still exists in people’s minds, is so full of stories and juicy tidbits, that they seem to be flowing in Maharashtra’s veins as blood.

To be continued…

RAJPUT-MARATHA ESTRANGEMENT

Let us now look at how the friendship between the Marathas and the Rajputs that had been carefully cultivated by Shahu Maharaj was broken. Since the time of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the main objective of the Maratha politics was to establish a Hindupadpaadshahi. This meant, that the protection and prosperity of the Hindu religion, which had vanished under Muslim rule, the Marathas had begun an enterprise to establish it all over the country. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had tried to coax Mirza Raja Jaisingh’s heart towards this propagation of Hindupadpaadshahi. He instructed Chhatrasal on the same principle in their meeting. This was the principle motive behind his coronation ceremony. Sambhajiraje had related the same principle in his letter to Ram Singh. After Sambhajiraje’s assassination, this same pride about their religion had issued a call that inspired the Marathas to erect the monumental struggle against the Badshah. When Shahu was in the Badshah’s captivity, through this same principle he had established the friendly relations with the Rajputs. Shahu’s this principle of advocacy of Hindupadpaadshahi was the reason behind Balaji Vishwanath and Bajirao gaining specific strength. The Peshwas brought about the unification of Hindu interests by coaxing, cajoling and at times tightly binding the Rajputs using these bonds of common religion. Even though Nanasaheb also had the same objective, in Shahu’s final days, due to various miscellaneous reasons, this long-lasting unity between the Marathas and the Rajputs went on loosening with time, and the growing Maratha power got a blow at Panipat.

The Rajputs had been the first among the Hindu rulers to resist the Mughals and the House of Udaipur had never accepted wedding proposals from the Mughal Badshahs for their daughters. In the eyes of the Rajputs, the Maharana of Udaipur, therefore, held a pre-eminent position.

Shahu’s contemporary Rajput kings were Sawai Jaisingh, Udaipur’s Sangram Singh and Jagat Singh, and Marwad’s Ajit Singh and Abhay Singh. Out of these, a fierce estrangement arose between the Marathas and the rulers of Jaipur and Marwad now.

The way the Marathas had revolted against Aurangzeb in the Deccan during the later part of his reign, Rajputs too began invading the imperial realms in the north. The moment Aurangzeb died, the Rajput kings, inspired by purity of blood and prosperity of religion, brought about a huge new constitutional change. Meeting on the banks of the Pushkar lake, and discussing for a long time, they entered into an agreement unanimously, that they would not give away their daughters to the Muslims henceforth; the familial relations, which the Udaipur’s kings had stopped with other Rajput families, should be started again; and also, if any of the daughters of Udaipur dynasty married within the Jaipur, Jodhpur etc. dynasties, their progeny was to be given precedence for inheritance of the kingdom. This famous agreement came through in year 1710. Since then, for almost a century, the Rajput kings engaged in terrible internecine warfare, and the sacred objective for which the said agreement was entered upon, was forgotten and never came to fruition. The agreement was against the Muslims, but due to it, unnecessary inheritance disputes arose everywhere in Rajputana. In these disputes, different parties sought help from the Marathas. Out of the wars that resulted from all these, two main events became especially harmful for the Marathas. One of them pertained to the Jaipur throne after Sawai Jaisingh’s death, and the other to the Jodhpur throne after Abhay Singh’s death. These disputes went on for seven years each and due to them the erstwhile camaraderie between the Marathas and Rajputs was destroyed. During this period, the Peshwa remained caught up in the activities of the Deccan, and there was no unified command and control structure in the Maratha political activities in the north.

On 23 September 1743, Sawai Jaisingh, one of the biggest supporters the Marathas had in Delhi, died after a long ailment. The death of this stalwart set in motion a succession dispute that would increasingly draw the Marathas into Jaipur’s domestic squabbles. For now, his elder son Ishwari Singh assumed the role of the new ruler. However, Madho Singh, the younger son who was born to a princess of Udaipur, was unhappy with the accession. There was that old Rajput convention that a son born to Udaipur princess would succeed to the throne even if he was younger. It was to be only the first of several succession disputes that would occur in the coming decade and tear the fragile fabric of peace in the country.

The moment Madho Singh was born, Udaipur’s Rana Sangram Singh had gifted him his own Rampura Pargana in 1727, and handed over the administration of that Pargana to Sawai Jaisingh. Madho Singh would mostly live with his maternal grandfather at Udaipur. The moment Jaisingh died, Ishwari Singh assumed his throne and began administration. The Badshah too provided his approval for this. Mewad’s Jagat Singh gathered his forces, and along with Madho Singh attacked Jaipur. The struggle with Ishwari Singh lasted for seven years. Ishwari Singh also attempted to repulse. Towards the end of 1743, for one-and-a-half months, both the contingents faced each other near Jahajpur. For some time, they engaged in peaceful negotiations. In it, Ishwari Singh agreed to hand over some more of the region to Madho Singh. He was not satisfied, however, and began demanding half the kingdom.

Finally, Ishwari Singh committed suicide through ultimate frustration and then Madho Singh got Jaipur throne (29 December 1750). In this seven-year-war, Shinde and Holkar participated for their own selfish interests, sometimes on Madho Singh’s while sometimes on Ishwari Singh’s side. Due to this, many complications were created disturbing the Maratha political activities.

To be continued…

NANASAHEB DEPOSED, RESTORED

Some of Shahu’s courtiers were not happy with the Peshwa’s close relationship with Shahu and an opposition began to build up. Raghuji Bhosale, Damaji Gaikwad, the senior queen Sakwarbai, and Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Pratinidhi’s Mutalik formed an informal combine. They used to be on the lookout for opportunities to pollute Shahu’s heart against the Peshwa. During these crucial years, when Anglo-French rivalry flared up in the Carnatic, the Peshwa was immobilised at Satara.

In such a situation at the Chhatrapati’s court, all the courtiers became extremely concerned about the future arrangement in the kingdom’s administration, and various different schemes began getting played. Maharaj was, however, unhappy with the Peshwa. The possible reasons were: the two queens complaining about the Peshwa, Shahu felt the Peshwa had worked against Babuji Naik, and finally, Nanasaheb’s inability to pay off the royal debts. Sakwarbai also complained about Nanasaheb’s loose personal life and his fondness for luxury and compared Maharaj’s growing debts with the Peshwa’s riches.

In one of the letters, Nanasaheb himself has mentioned about Raghuji’s suspicious nature. Two years since the month of August 1745, Nanasaheb did not venture far, and remained around Pune and Satara. On 5 December 1746, Sadashivrao Bhau was dispatched to the Carnatic. Nanasaheb was at Satara to keep a watch on his activities at the beginning of 1747.

In 1746 itself, Shahu had begun testing the Peshwa’s loyalty. The Shahu Bakhar narrates a peculiar anecdote. Once when Shahu had gone for a hunt, he sat fishing by a lake, ignoring the Peshwa who was behind him. Then, he rose and went back and sat on his throne. From there, he rose and reached his palace. Halfway to his room, he left his slippers. There was no servant nearby. The Peshwa picked up the slippers and took it to the Rajashree. Seeing this, Shahu was pleased.

The Bakhar account continues with another narrative. The Peshwa reached Satara on one occasion with a five to seven thousand-strong army, met Shahu, and camped outside the town. Shahu suddenly called the Chitnis and said, “Write a note to the Pradhan, he has been removed from the post. So, he should deposit the stamps, seals, ceremonial dagger, the Zaripatka standard, etc. insignia to the messengers that have been sent for deposition in the Jamdarkhana (royal treasury).”

The messenger went to the Peshwa, who was about to have a bath. Pradhanpant read the letter, got up rightaway, handed over the stamps, seals, dagger and Zaripatka to the messengers and sent them on their way. Nanasaheb then left camp, erected a smallish hut away from the main camp, got his meal prepared there separately. Forty or fifty of his servants joined him there. He wrote a letter to Maharaj, “I would have come immediately and sat by your feet, but I have an army with me, and need to hand it over to somebody. Request you to write whom should I hand over the government workshops and army which belongs to the central government. I’ll do so accordingly and come to meet you.”

Maharaj replied, “I will send a clerk to take charge. Until then, stay there.”

Ten or twelve days passed in this state. All the administrative activities came to a standstill. The news began spreading all over. Officers of Maharaj enquired, “Has the Pradhan committed a mistake? What is the thought of the future!”

To this Maharaj replied, “I do not wish to give him the post. I will revert to Pingle (Bahiropant Pingle was the Peshwa before Balaji Vishwanath was appointed in 1713; here, the reference is to his descendants).”

The officers said, “This news might have already reached the Hindustan province or will definitely reach. There are many affairs going on all over India by officials beholden to the Peshwa. He has Sardars installed everywhere, who have their internal disputes. Therefore, either grace him or grant the office to someone else, and they should tighten the loosened state. There will be chaos if this news leaks out.”

Here, Nanasaheb sent a request through Chitnis and Mantri, “We are staying outside the camp in a separate tent. Request you to order us to present ourselves at your feet, or give us some other way to serve you.”

Maharaj replied, “What Nazar (offering) do you offer?”

Nanasaheb replied, “We are alone here. Whatever the government’s authority and power, has been deposited to the government. My house and property belongs to the Sarkar (Maharaj). Bring it all as a Nazar (offering).”

The only reply that was received for this was, “We wish to grant the office of the Pradhan to someone else.”

After this, Nanasaheb wrote the next letter to Maharaj as follows, “At the service of your feet, Balaji submits many requests. The sad option written in Maharaj’s letter was informed to us. We are the Swami’s children. Why does the Swami even writes giving options to us? It is not like we exist independent of the Swami. Whatever loyalty we hold with your feet, we get outcomes in accordance to that. What further to write. Submitting this.”

A few days later, Shahu dispatched some messengers and summoned Nanasaheb. The Peshwa took only one assistant, came, paid his obeisance and stood respectfully before him. “Please order me any service at your feet. However, do not push me away from your feet.”

Shahu was pleased. This convinced Maharaj, that he was a truly loyal servant, and would never waver from his path. He rose and said, “You are my true and loyal servant. I will never keep you away.”

Maharaj ordered all the royal honorifics, insignia to be brought there, conferred all of them upon him, and restored him to the office of the Pradhan. The Peshwa laid his head at Maharaj’s feet. Maharaj said, “I wanted to test your loyalty. Truly you are the son of Bajirao and the grandson of Balaji Vishwanath. I am pleased by your service and loyalty.”

He also gifted the Peshwa with protocol robes, gemstones etc.

To be continued…

ANGRE BROTHERS’ DISPUTE

Robert Orme gives a similar description for the Galbats: The gallivats are large row-boats built like the grab, but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding 70 tonnes. They have two masts, of which the mizzen is very slight; the mainmast bears only one sail, which is triangular and very large… In general, the gallivats are covered with a spar deck, made for lightness of bamboos, split; and those only carry petteraroes fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel; but those of the largest size have a fixed deck, on which they mount six or eight pieces of cannon from two to four pounders. They have forty or fifty stout oars and may be rowed four miles an hour.

The Ghurabs were between a hundred and fifty to three hundred tonnes, and broad, narrowing from the middle forwards. They had somewhat larger guns of nine to twelve pounders in the front of the ship as well as on the sides.

Over time, Kanhoji grew in strength and stature and became one of the important Sardars in the administration of Chhatrapati Rajaram, and after his death in 1700, in the reign of his wife Tarabai. Kanhoji later signed a treaty with Balaji Vishwanath Peshwa, promising allegiance to Shahu and obtaining support from the Maratha army when he was threatened by the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British – each of who maintained a sizeable presence on the Konkan coast.

In 1721, ships of the Royal Navy under Commander Matthews came to India. Charles Boone, the Governor of Bombay, once again tried to put down Kanhoji along with Portuguese help. This would not be the first, nor the last time that the Royal Navy joined forces of the East India Company, which at times appears to have the support of the British Government in attacking territories in India and during crucial battles. The major battles that the Company later on won, were with the aid of the British Army and Royal Navy. At this time, Bajirao Peshwa, with an army of six thousand men foiled the attempt. Even as Matthews landed near Colaba to observe the Maratha force, a horseman rode up from behind and injured him with a lance. The defending Portuguese were scattered to the winds by Bajirao and Pilaji Jadhav, while the British were still trying to clamber up the walls of Colaba. A treaty was first signed with the Portuguese at that time. However, the British kept having skirmishes at sea with the Angres.

Kanhoji sent a proposal for peace to the British at Bombay but was rebuffed and called a ‘pirate’. Kanhoji replied, “It little behoves merchants to say that his government was supported by violence, insults, and piracies; for the great Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj founded his kingdom by making war against four kings; and that he himself (Kanhoji) was but his humble disciple; and that he was very willing to favour the merchants trading according to the laws of his country.”

A treaty was eventually signed with the British in 1725, with an exchange of prisoners. The death of Sarkhel Kanhoji Angre in 1729, left his six sons a stirring legacy to live up to. The six children from Kanhoji’s three wives were Sekhoji & Sambhaji, Manaji & Tulaji, Dhondji & Yesaji or Appaji. Sekhoji was the eldest and succeeded his father as the Sarkhel. Sambhaji and Tulaji were then at Vijaydurg while Manaji and the two other brothers stayed at Colaba, which was Kanhoji’s chief base, south of Bombay. The Angres and the Maratha power on the Deccan plateau were in a way complementary to each other, and until the sons of Kanhoji were united, they could guide the destiny of the kingdom. The rivalry amongst the sons of Kanhoji Angre had festered since 1729, when the patriarch died. As long as Sekhoji was in charge, he managed to keep a lid on it.

Sekhoji and Bajirao cooperated in the 1733 campaign against the Siddi of Janjira and captured most of the Siddi’s territory by August that year. In June 1733, Sekhoji had to withdraw from the campaign against the Siddi. Almost apologetically, he wrote to Bajirao, “When you are in the midst of a campaign, to come away is not fair. However, what does one do about disputes in the house?”

Their combined effort by land and sea against Janjira could have succeeded, had Sekhoji not succumbed to a short illness in August 1733. On Sekhoji’s death, Sambhaji was appointed the Sarkhel. However, his brother Manaji at Colaba contested the appointment and Sambhaji insisted on getting possession of the fort of Colaba, which was Kanhoji’s capital. The seeds of future dissension between them were sown at this time.

The eighteenth century, true to its feudal character, saw internecine family feuds over succession. The Angre family rivalry for the next two decades on the west coast, eventually damaged the strength of a unified Maratha naval wing. Without Sekhoji’s moderating influence, the dispute was now out in the open. Sambhaji had his base at the southern coastal fort of Vijaydurg, popularly called Gheria by the Europeans, and he had not joined Shahu and Bajirao’s battle against the Siddis in 1733. As the Siddi obtained help from the British, Janjira could not be captured. After Sekhoji’s death, Bajirao had to come to terms with the survival of the Siddis and return to Pune.

To be continued…

MOTHER KASHIBAI’S PILGRIMAGE

According to a letter from Narayan Dikshit to Nanasaheb, Radhabai spent the Indian month of Kartik in Kashi, when the Pournima (full-moon day) is a major festival with oil lamps lit on its many Ghats. Dikshit was annoyed, however, that she did not ask him about which Brahmins were deserving of her alms. “The Maharashtra Brahmins got nothing, the Chitpawans were paid five or ten,” he wrote.

The reason behind his complaint was that the money spent did not go to deserving hands and, therefore, her fame did not spread as it should have. Radhabai perhaps took the advice of the Gaud Brahmins, who lived there in large numbers. Dikshit says he did not try to stop this as otherwise the Gaud Brahmins would have made him leave Kashi.

In another letter from Naik, Bajirao and Chimaji Appa come in for high praise for their support – at such a young age – to build eleven Brahmapuris (dormitories / temporary residential housing) where Sanyasis can stay. The building of Ghats continued at this time. on the Kartik Pournima day, Naik writes, “When the lights are placed, it becomes like Shri Kailas. All those who come from Maharashtra say these Ghats are Bajiraoji’s.” Naik also speaks of developing the Shri Nagesh temple – perhaps a reference to the Nagesh Vinayak temple.

The attraction for Kashi was very strong among the Peshwas through the eighteenth century beginning with Balaji Vishwanath, up to the last of the line. While Nanasaheb visited Kashi during his campaign to Bengal, besides Radhabai, two ladies from the Peshwa family visited Kashi. One was Nanasaheb Peshwa’s mother Kashibai, and the other was Sagunabai, the widow of Bajirao’s son Janardan who died some time after 1748.

Of these, the story of Kashibai’s travels are of a curious nature. Bajirao’s wife Kashibai found it somehow unbearable to continue living at Pune in her widowhood. In the household, her mother-in-law Radhabai was still a much-feared presence. It is possible that the two did not agree with each other much. Her health was always delicate. Getting frustrated on that account, or quarrelling with her son, she lived at religious places like Rameshwar, Kashi etc. for most of her life. She was not ready to return home from Kashi. Her antics increased there, and they began impacting the politics of the day.

Kashibai went to the Rameshwar pilgrimage when Babuji Naik was in the Carnatic, and returned to Pune on 28 May 1742. It seems like she immediately proceeded to the Kashi pilgrimage. Nanasaheb himself was encamped in Bundelkhand for the monsoon of 1742, and at the beginning of the following year, he too completed his pilgrimage of the religious places like Kashi, Prayag, and Gaya. At that time, Kashibai had accompanied him, and stayed back at Kashi for two to three years. This shows that it was indeed a rumour that had spread everywhere that the lady was upset with her son and was trying to continue living outside the household. Another letter from 8 November 1742 (must be from the previous visit with the Peshwa) mentions, “Revered mother and Chiranjeev Baya are in Shri Kashi for the Kartik month ritual bath.”

One of the letters dated 24 February 1743 has a reference, “Revered Mother Tai is fine at Varanasi. She had gone to Gaya, but must now be back.”

The following memorable incident occurred when Kashibai was on this pilgrimage. Recognising the Peshwa’s pride about the religious places of Kashi, Prayag etc. even the Muslims had maintained the practice of treating the pilgrims with utmost respect without themselves relinquishing their control over the places. Due to this, the Hindus had no reason left to insist upon those religious places to be handed back to them. On 11 February 1746, Narayan Dikshit wrote to the Peshwa, “This year we had gone to Shri-Prayag for the Anushthan and Brahmin-Santarpan ritual. Along with us, ten thousand people from Shri-Kashi came. The whole month of Magha people participated in the Makar-Snan rituals. Many of the pilgrims arrived from our homeland had also come there. Mirza Mohammed Isaq felicitated everyone excellently. When an emissary named Raghurao began to go back to Bengal, Baburao serving Bapuji Shripat came to Prayag. He indulged in a lot of cheating. He extracted whatever he felt like from the pilgrims. (One has to say) People cry at Prayag and smash their heads.”

To be continued…

KASHI PILGRIMAGE

For the common pilgrim, the journey to Kashi was not easy. The roads were uneven, there were thick forests and mountains, great rivers to cross, and innumerable dangers from wild animals or dacoits who came in swarms of hundreds and swooped down on a group of travellers, merely looting them if they were fortunate, and killing them if they resisted. These dangers meant that a large group had to be accompanied by a fairly large number of armed men who might be able to stave off such attacks. The pilgrims were both men and women, often elderly, besides mendicants and Gosavis who travelled from place to place. There were bullock carts and palanquins and horses that the pilgrims used, however, there was still a large number that walked.

It was not a short journey either. The period after the Dussehra festival was chosen as the favourable one, since the weather was better, and often, if one was fortunate, one could be sheltered by a Maratha army travelling north. It was difficult for an army to shake off the highly motivated pilgrims from following them. The travelling Banjaras who brought their Bazars along to feed these armies – literally a city on the move – made it a little bit easier for the pilgrims too to accomplish the Kashi-Yatra.

It is recorded that after obtaining the grant-notifications of Swarajya and Chauth for the six Subas of the Deccan in 1719, Balaji Vishwanath Peshwa visited Varanasi on his return journey from Delhi to Satara, and was taken to the three chief places of pilgrimage by one Bhikambhat Vaze. Fifteen years later, around 1734, when Bajirao made his mark north of the Narmada, Narayan Dikshit-Patankar, a Guru of the Peshwa and his brother Chimaji Appa, left for Kashi. A house was found for him by Sadashiv Naik, a prominent banker who stayed in Kashi. Nanasaheb Peshwa too considered Narayan Dikshit as his Guru. Innumerable letters through the eighteenth century testify to the wide-ranging activities of this Dikshit-Patankar family.

Narayan Dikshit himself is said to have died around 1747, at the age of nearly a hundred years. To this day, one can find a lane in the old city of Kashi named ‘Narayan Dikshit Lane’. His son Vasudeo remained the Peshwa’s confidante throughout Nanasaheb’s years.

A few months after Narayan Dikshit went to Kashi, he was followed by the Peshwa’s mother Radhabai who passed through Udaipur, Jaipur, Mathura, and Prayag before reaching Kashi. She was accompanied by her son-in-law Abaji Naik Joshi, whose father was Sadashiv Naik of Kashi. Radhabai’s pilgrimage was not just of religious importance. During her journey, she was greeted at the palaces of the Rajput rulers with great respect and hosted like the mother of an important king. In Udaipur and Jaipur, matters of diplomatic import were also discussed and proposals exchanged on how the Mughal power was to be tackled. The discussions held at this time led to Bajirao’s visit to Jaipur and Udaipur the following year.

From Jaipur, Radhabai was escorted till Mathura by Sawai Jaisingh’s own officials and from there onwards the journey was accomplished with the protection offered by Mohammed Khan Bangash, who was the Subedar of the Mughal province of Allahabad. Bangash himself had been defeated by Bajirao a few years ago at Jaitpur in Bundelkhand but given safe passage on assurance that he would not attack Bundelkhand again. Bangash said, “Bajirao’s mother is like my mother,” and escorted her to Prayag and onwards to Kashi. During the time she spent there, she scrupulously avoided getting into local disputes but gave donations to the local people and places of worship.

Kashi was a city that had a large number of Brahmins, called the Gangaputra, whose livelihood depended on the pilgrims visiting the city. These Brahmins of the north, also called the Panch-Gauda were the chief priests of the city until the end of the seventeenth century. In early eighteenth century a large number of Brahmins from the south began to migrate to Kashi and perform religious rituals for the pilgrims coming from the Deccan. The south Indian Brahmins, called Panch-Dravid, from Andhra, Telanga, Tamil Nadu and Kerala, Maharashtra and Gujarat / Rajasthan, over time became rivals of the Gangaputra Brahmins. Matters went before local courts and before the Qazi of Varanasi, who first ruled in favour of the Panch-Dravid. Two years later, the two sects of Brahmins resolved that the rituals by the river will be performed by the Gangaputra Brahmins only.

From the year 1730, Sadashiv Naik built many buildings and Ghats in Kashi from funds sent to him by Bajirao Peshwa. Three more Ghats were planned, however, local rivalries created obstacles in the path. Until 1735, Naik writes that he had built and completed two Ghats – the Dashashwamedh and the Manikarnika. The Dashashwamedh Ghat was built for a saint named Advaitanand Swami. There was no permission to build at the Panchaganga Ghat, so Naik created a garden, where two thousand pilgrims could have food at one time.

To be continued…

CHANGING TIMES

We have seen the way the Maratha expanse and power had extended from the time Balaji Vishwanath had made the first trip to Delhi and shown it to the Marathas twenty-five years before. It is human nature, that whenever two persons or societies come together, due to their companionship, various kinds of good or bad effects are observed on their overall life. The letter by the Peshwa expresses the way when the imperial wealth and the Maratha poverty came to confront each other, due to which the eyes of the Maratha representatives were simply blinded by the radiance. In military affairs also, good and bad travel together.

There are references to other artefacts displaying the northern art and craftsmanship being ordered to be sent to Deccan. The Peshwa sent a letter to Bapuji Mahadev as follows, “We have written to you about provision of the articles like Peshawar’s incense, Lahore’s reins, oval arches from Multan, etc. Send them the moment you get this letter. Whatever unique to that province, do send it definitely.” This shows the way Maharashtra’s life went on expanding.

One can understand well from the erstwhile stories of the Kashi pilgrimage the way the life in Maharashtra went on transforming. Previously, this pilgrimage to the north Hindustan would seem almost impossible to people in the south. With the expansion of the Maratha Confederacy, the pilgrimage went on becoming easier. It also affected the politics of the time. Peshwa’s own mother also went on this Kashi pilgrimage. Its story expresses the difficulties faced while on the pilgrimage, the taxes paid, the charitable activities carried out, and the expectations of the Hindus and Muslims that were experienced throughout the journey.

The amorphous Maratha state of the first four decades of the eighteenth century was gradually given form, with a system of reporting, checks and balances, and some planning. The judiciary evolved in the districts. Provinces began to have firm boundaries, and districts were farmed out to people to administer as Kamavisdars, and Subedars were given well-defined responsibilities. At this time, the Peshwa was the one man from his family who looked after the affairs of the state. However, his cousin Sadashivrao Bhau was emerging as an able administrator. The Purandare family had at its head Mahadoba, who could be depended upon to give good advice. Ramchandrababa was another advisor and Govindrao Chitnis was an asset at the Chhatrapati’s court at Satara.

The Peshwa, however, still had the ageing Nizam – old friend cum adversary of the Marathas – to contend with in the Deccan. The old order comprising Mohammedshah, Nizam-ul-Mulk, Sawai Jaisingh, and Chhatrapati Shahu were scripting their last acts. Times were changing and the Peshwa, from where he was, had not yet realised that his reign would see some of the biggest opportunities and challenges of the eighteenth century.

The first requirement to build the future he desired, was money. The two rivers of gold from the north and the south existed. It remained a challenge to bring them to Pune. The aspirants were too many and the race to garner the resources would be a furious one.

It is time to talk of Kashi, a city that lives where the river Ganga turns north, so that the entire riverfront at the spot faces east towards the rising sun. It is said that the city began at the Raj Ghat to the north of the city where the river Varuna joins the Ganga. From here to the Assi Ghat where the river Assi joins the Ganga, is ‘Varanasi’ – a word that originates from Varuna and Assi and gives us the geographical limits of the city.

From times immemorial, the Kashi-Yatra was an integral part of life for the Hindus. As the oldest continually inhabited city in the world, Kashi along with Prayag, Gaya, Mathura, and Ayodhya were places that were held in great reverence. The eighteenth century was marked by the spread of the Maratha power in the north up to the Gangetic Doab and the number of Marathi people who began travelling to this place grew year after year.

The Peshwa devoted considerable attention to the city and spent money in the construction of Ghats and places for pilgrims to stay. This was true through Indian history, when powerful kings and chiefs always added to the city, and many of these structures stand there to this day. Among the Peshwas, the desire to obtain possession of Kashi from the Nawab of Awadh was particularly strong. Nanasaheb Peshwa strived to obtain it as did his son Madhavrao.

To be continued…

HINGNE & RANOJI DEPART

Jyotiba Shinde’s was not the only murder that the Marathas endured. In Delhi, Saadat Khan’s son-in-law and successor in Awadh, Mansoor Ali Khan had assumed duties as the Mir Bakshi. The Maratha minister Mahadevbhat Hingne – originally from a priestly family of Nasik – was the chief diplomat in Delhi from the time Balaji Vishwanath entered the Mughal capital in 1719. From a well-respected family, he had negotiated many agreements in the time of Bajirao. Mahadevbhat, who was the imperial Purohit of the king at Nasik, was able to enter the politics at Delhi, and was able to express the brilliance of his intellect. In the seventeenth century, his ancestor had even been a priest for Aurangzeb’s General Mirza Raja Jaisingh, who led a campaign against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Mahadevbhat carried out his priestly duties for Sawai Jaisingh also and was close to him. In 1743, before Sawai Jaisingh passed away, he appointed Mahadevbhat as his official envoy in Delhi. Hingne, therefore, looked after matters for both, the Peshwa as well as Jaipur at the Mughal court. The honesty and alertness with which he carried out the responsibilities of this important office since then till the time of his death, can only be judged from the fast expansion that was experienced by the Maratha Confederacy. The actions of this Hingne family went on to be appreciated much until the time in 1803, the Mughal Badshah passed under the British control. Hingnes took care of politics, established moneylending businesses, and achieved great fame all over the north Hindustan.

When the Peshwa was at Bhilsa, Mahadevbhat Hingne was murdered at Delhi on 1 February 1744, through a very minor altercation. Hingne visited Mansoor Ali Khan, accompanied by one of his sons. Here, in the course of discussion, Mahadevbhat lost his temper and uttered some offensive words of abuse. Even though this incident did not prove to be problematic for the Marathas, it has a very important place in the history. In a letter dated 29 February 1744, Sadashivrao Bhau wrote to Dhondoba Appa Purandare, “Yesterday a letter arrived from Delhi on the twenty-third day of writing. It mentioned, that Mahadevbhat Hingne had gone to Mansoor Ali Khan’s court. He had his Jamadar and usual security guards with him. While the discussions were on, Mahadevbhat suddenly swore and ordered his men to arrest some people. Upon this, our men clashed with the Khan’s men and Mahadevbhat was wounded. His son was also hurt. In the evening he went home. He died at midnight. His son, however, is safe. It was a tragedy.”

It is surprising that such a highly important happening was unknown to history. The letter dispatched from Delhi took twenty-three days to arrive at Satara. So, the date of Mahadevbhat’s death seems to have been around 1 February 1744. Mansoor Ali Khan, the Badshah’s Mir Bakshi was the chief pillar of the Empire. A Maratha ambassador goes to meet him, demands an answer from him swearing to his face, and in the clash that ensues lays down his life for his homeland. This incident displays the strength of the Maratha Confederacy. But they are not that uncommon in world history either. One could claim that it was inappropriate to come to fisticuffs by swearing, and it was probably atonement of this inappropriate behaviour that Mahadevbhat paid for by his life. Mahadevbhat Hingne was survived by four sons, who continued his work and remained at Delhi for another five decades representing the Peshwa. Mahadevbhat’s sons Bapuji and Damodar took office as if nothing extraordinary had happened and could display even more brilliance than their father. His other two sons, Purushottam and Devrao too grew up in stature later in the Confederacy. Overall, this Hingne family was one of the leading families of the countless new families that grew to fame in the Maratha kingdom.

Another important death that took place this year was that of Ranoji Shinde. At this time, the Peshwa had just wrapped up the campaign and had gone back. Jayaji Shinde wrote, “Revered Father died at Mouze Mirzapur, in Sujalpur province. Please send two stonemasons to install a parasol memorial at that place.” This letter is dated 21 July 1745. Ranoji’s wife Meenabai was at Shrigonda. She was sent proper mourning protocol on 19 July 1745 by the Peshwa.

Ranoji Shinde died at Sujalpur near Bhopal and was succeeded by his eldest son Jayappa. It cannot be confirmed how and on which exact date Ranoji died. His son Jayappa was with him, who carried out his last rites at Mirzapur, brought his ashes to the religious and auspicious place, Ujjain, and built a huge parasol memorial for his father on the banks of the Kshipra River. By one estimate, Ranoji possibly died on 3 July 1745 (on 19 July 1745 by some others). The village where he was cremated was named Ranoganj and was given as Inam to the memorial. Ramchandrababa Sukhtankar, who the Peshwa placed his trust in, was chosen as Shinde’s manager. However, Jayappa and Ramchandrababa did not see eye to eye and soon Nanasaheb recalled him. Ramchandrababa returned to Pune and became a mentor for the young Sadashivrao Bhau. Gangadhar Yashwant Chandrachud was the Dewan of Malharrao Holkar and played an important part in the Holkar administration for several decades.

Out of the many colleagues of Bajirao, Ranoji Shinde and Malharrao Holkar became especially famous. Their principalities lasted till independence. These two should be given deserving credit for establishing the Maratha rule in the north. Both of them were brave, resolute, and absolutely devoted to the Peshwa. Both of them were probably of the same age. It is possible that Ranoji was a little elder, but had a short life. Malharrao lived for twenty more years. Ranoji’s sons grew up to be equally or even more valorous. Malharrao had only one son named Khanderao, who died young. But his wife Ahilyabai filled up the void of his absence.

In the next to years, due to the affairs at Satara, even though the Peshwa himself could not step outside, constant confusion and passionate affairs prevailed all over, and the Peshwa had to deal with them. Struggles had continued with the rulers in Bundelkhand, and after Sawai Jaisingh died in 1743, disputes arose between his sons Ishwari Singh and Madho Singh. Due to that, later, the friendship between the Marathas and Rajputs took a hit. The Bhosale campaigns in Bengal escalated. It took seven long years for that affair to calm down, and Raghuji’s whole power was spent in that. It became unavoidable to arrest the invasions that the Nizam had begun on the Carnatic realms. A dispute arose amongst the Angre brothers in the Konkan and even the Chhatrapati was singed due to it. It is important to keep all these different events at various places in mind to understand the links between historic events.

To be continued…

PRESENT URGENCY

Nanasaheb was given the protocol garments of the office of the Peshwa on 25 June 1740. The cost of his robes is recorded. Nanasaheb’s robes costed 230 Rupees, and Chimaji’s 200 Rupees. Besides, all were presented with a pearl plume (costing 200 Rupees), and other official insignia. Birubai too presented both with a separate set of robes, costing 110 Rupees for Nanasaheb and 100 Rupees for Chimaji Appa. At this time, Mahadaji Ambaji Purandare was granted the Mutalik (representative) position of the Peshwa through written grant. He would serve the Maharaj through his personal attendance in lieu of the Peshwa. Until the time Shahu Maharaj was alive, the Mutalik had to stay at Satara. Later, during Ramraja’s reign, when the Chhatrapati forfeited his overall authority, the office of the Mutalik lost its rationale. The office was converted into that of the chief steward of the Peshwa. Nanasaheb was ably served by the following chief stewards –

1. 1740-50 – Mahadaji Purandare.
2. 1750-53 – Ramchandrababa and Sadashivrao Bhau.
3. 1750-60 – Sadashivrao Bhau.
4. 1760-61 – Neelkanth Mahadaji Purandare.

After granting the office of the Peshwa, Shahu also appointed around 30 Mokasa villages for the Peshwa at various places. These villages were under the control of various Sardars. Therefore, to allow the Peshwa to continue to enjoy the benefices without any hindrance, Shahu dispatched their issuance letters to various Sardars like Raghuji Bhosale, Fatehsingh Bhosale, and many other Sardars.

While giving him the protocol robes, Shahu ordered Nanasaheb, “Bajirao displayed immense valour and loyalty in achieving huge objectives after the senior Balajipant in his service. Towards the end, we dispatched him to vanquish the Irani, and re-installing the Badshah on the throne. He died young. You are his son. He had planned to protect the Empire and make the whole Hindustan his own. I trust that you will accomplish these objectives. Take your steeds beyond the Attock.”

With this order, he bade him farewell to go to Pune. The initial difficulties that Bajirao faced at the beginning of his reign, Nana too faced the same. It was not an easy task for a twenty-year-old youth to keep older, more renowned and experienced people under his control. Many heavyweights like the Pratinidhi, Babuji Naik, Damaji Gaikwad, Raghuji Bhosale, Tarabai etc. had opposed his appointment. It would get expressed openly at various times. Nanasaheb found it very difficult to keep all these people under his authority.

After this, Nanasaheb decided to visit the Berar province and north Hindustan. He took Maharaj’s permission and embarked on the journey. He collected tributes from various places. The moment he arrived in north Hindustan, Govindpant Bundele came afore to receive him and offered his part of the tribute. People felt assured. On his journey, the local kings and princes offered him their hospitality. Bajirao had an immense awe about him everywhere. All the officials treated Nanasaheb with the same respect. All the military officials were also wise. There were no problems faced anywhere. The campaign concluded at Ujjain. This way, Nanasaheb began his reign with due enthusiasm. The contemporary documents express the necessity of Nanasaheb’s contribution to fulfil the objectives of the enterprise begun by Bajirao, and why Shahu, through his foresight, planned for Nanasaheb’s appointment.

In the administration of an expanding state, none of the activities are held up. One task gives rise to the second, which in-turn gives rise to another, and this way the tasks go on mounting. In the twenty years of Bajirao, the extents of Maratha Confederacy had been growing in all directions like the north Hindustan, Carnatic, western coast, the eastern side facing the Nizam etc. He bore that burden with elan. He toiled day and night, and survived through whatever subject was brought to his attention recognising the impending priorities. Following are some such urgent tasks that could be discerned easily.

• Malwa province had been acquired by the Marathas. It was necessary to acquire the official grant notifications for the same, and setting up the administrative system there.
• It was necessary to consolidate the political position of the Marathas at the Badshah’s court at Delhi.
• Nizam-ul-Mulk was a constant obstacle in Maharashtra for the Maratha kingdom. It was necessary to remove this impediment through force or diplomacy.
• Carnatic was in absolute chaos. It was necessary to decide the authority there, and tying down all the various Naiks and Palegars there in the aftermath of Aurangzeb’s war.
• The Maratha authority on the western coast was shaky. The Portuguese were trying really hard to recapture lost Vasai. It was necessary to re-install the Peshwa’s authority there, which had lately taken a beating through the opposition that had arisen between the Angres and the British.

It will be clarified as we move along, how Nanasaheb kept the above affairs in his focus, and achieved success in them as much as possible.

To be continued…