SUCCESSOR IDENTIFIED

“Sambhajiraje does not have the capability to control the kingdom, and is not blessed with abundance of intellect. So, it is necessary to adopt an heir. Therefore, the child that Tarabai has brought up secretly needs to be investigated. If we adopt an heir from outside, there will be disputes later. Maharaj dispatched his trusted ministers and cavalrymen to Pangaon. Therefore, Govindrao was sent to Aaisaheb and everything was documented. Upon that, some additional notes were added in his (Maharaj’s) own handwriting. He called Bawda’s Bhagwantrao Amatya. He dispatched Yashwantrao Potnis and Govindrao Chitnis to take good care of Bhagwantrao. He was asked to confirm on oath near Shri Krishna. It was confirmed that the child was true-born. Upon this, Maharaj said, ‘Make this child the master after me, and act as per his orders to protect the kingdom.’ This news was relayed to Sakwarbai. Thinking that she would have to act as per Tarabai’s orders, Sakwarbai became very angry with Pradhan, Chitnis, Devrao and Yashwantrao. Numerous schemes began getting hatched at various places to capture, imprison or finish-off the chief stewards. Sakwarbai began stating that Tarabai’s grandson was fake, and Tarabai had erected a falsehood. She colluded with Yamajipant and amassed some forces, and engaged into the political move to install Sambhajiraje. She also ensnared the castellan and the fort soldiery to subdue Tarabai. She began thinking that Maharaj was extremely distressed due to all this, and of not allowing access to him for the stewards. Maharaj recognised the difficulty of the situation, called Pradhanpant for a one-to-one meeting in solitude, gave him the list of activities in his own handwriting, and with Govindrao as witness, gave him the written approval.” This description occurs in the Bakhar documents, which is also corroborated with the help of available documents.

Shahu had Tarabai record her statement before the Chitnis and he called Bhagwantrao, the son of Ramchandrapant Amatya of Kolhapur, to confirm the claim. Once Bhagwantrao had on oath repeated what Tarabai had said, Shahu believed him. However, the news leaked and Sakwarbai heard of it. This prompted Shahu and Tarabai to write to Bhagwantrao Amatya to take Ramraja to a village Lakhanpur and not to leave him with the caretaker Rajput family. For five years, the boy was looked after by the Amatya. Later, he was taken to Pangaon and left with the Rajput’s family. His elder daughter Daryabai Nimbalkar looked after him.

The prospect of Tarabai’s grandson as a successor was not easily accepted by Sakwarbai, and she claimed the boy was a fake. She felt it would mean being subservient to Tarabai in the days to come and began mobilising men to her cause. She called Yamaji Shivdeo, who was the Mutalik (representative) to the Pratinidhi, who concurred with her that the boy was not the real heir. According to the Bakhar, Sakwarbai authorised Yamaji to arrange for the Peshwa’s assassination, as she saw him as the main obstacle in her scheme of things. Yamaji hired an assassin but felt Govindrao Chitnis should be the victim, owing to his proximity to the king. The attempt on Govindrao failed. In fact, Govindrao, who heard of the plot, plunged his own sword into his would-be assassin.

The growing antagonism between Sakwarbai and the Chitnis as well as the Peshwa was, however, to prove fatal to her future plans. Shahu had sent out his trusted men to search for the boy. However, Sakwarbai would not allow the boy to be brought before Shahu, and during the king’s lifetime, he was not. Sakwarbai also urged Sambhaji II of Kolhapur to come to Satara with a large army to force the issue. However, Shahu stopped him saying that it would not be prudent to do so.

By August 1749, Shahu was ready to make his final arrangements. He summoned Raghuji Bhosale, however, he could not come. Babuji Naik tried to meet Shahu but Maharaj prohibited him from coming to his presence. Fatehsingh expressed his inability to undertake the responsibility of managing such a large kingdom. Shahu then commanded the Peshwa to arrive at Satara with a large army to maintain order. Nanasaheb was alert. Upon Maharaj’s orders, he gathered a huge army and leaving Pune he went to Satara along with Shinde, Holkar, Janardanbaba etc. Sardars on 21 August 1749 (mentioned as September 1749 at some places). He returned to Pune only after Shahu’s death, his last rites, and Ramraja’s installation to the throne in the month of April 1750.

To be continued…

SHAHU’S SELF-IMPOSED EXILE

Jijabai II tried engaging with Sadashivrao Bhau, displaying affection towards him, tried get the throne at Satara for Sambhaji II to after Shahu, or at least getting Sadashivrao Bhau to accept the office of the Pradhan at Kolhapur so that a unified command and control structure prevailed all over the kingdom. In 1748, she wrote to Sadashivrao, “In reference to the previous context, we have sent Dadambhat Shrotri to you. To ensure that your prowess is visible without delay, your fame is displayed excellently, and you become the recipient of deserved success, we have prepared the ground since last year. In relation to the duties of Swarajya, our discussions have taken place before. We have provided lists of agreements. According to that, you should urgently inform Rajashree Balaji Pandit Pradhan to come for a meeting with Saheb, and act on the plan for the benefit of the kingdom. Saheb is just a mediator, he is fully confident that your loyalty is unwavering. What agreement has Saheb entered into with you; how he has made use of the above-mentioned Pandit’s lap as his pillows; think well about all these things, and urgently act upon the planned task.”

Later, when Raghuji left and went to Bengal, Shahu urgently called Raghuji back to Satara in the month of October 1749, which occurred two months before his death. His letter said, “You secure your region and come here. We only trust you.”

But Raghuji was unwavering in his resolve, “I have already entered into a friendship with the Peshwa on oath. I will not betray that word. I will act as per the Peshwa’s orders.”

After that, in the month of November 1749, the animus between the Pradhanpant and Sakwarbai went on increasing. Sakwarbai urgently called Sambhaji II to Satara. To that Sambhaji II replied, “If we thought about taking Sakwarbai’s side after going to Satara, the friendship with Pantapradhan goes sour. He is the most influential in the kingdom. So, I won’t go for now. If it comes to worst, we will gather ten to twenty thousand force and join the Pantapradhan.”

Raghuji returned to Satara only after Shahu’s death, when Ramraja called him in the month of April 1750, and acted within the Peshwa’s orders. One of the erstwhile letters has described Raghuji, “Raghuji’s pride was like mercury, a water droplet over a lotus leaf.”

Shahu’s nature had become extremely delicate and irritable. Nagorao Meghashyam and his elder brother Devrao used to stay near him. On 25 October 1747, Nagorao wrote, “Devrao took leave from the master and went to Indapur. The master satisfied him by pledging over his head. Maharaj appreciated him saying that he had toiled hard at his doorstep day and night, and covered his (Devrao’s) shoulders in his own shawl. The court’s heart is in a very delicate state. He cannot bear too many meetings. However, Bai remains around him a lot. It is not like anybody tries to speak with him in private. Sukhanand was going to meet him. To him too, master spoke with sarcasm. Due to that, he quit going there to meet him. Yesterday, I and Raya were invited to the senior mansion (Sakwarbai) seven to eight times. All three of us went there. Bai engaged in a huge drama. She kept asking for a minimum of twenty-five lakh rupees of her debt from Maharaj. She asked for cash, saying what she would do with chits of paper. All three of us came and requested Rajashree. He just blew it all away. He desires about getting marriages completed. At least two, he would finish off decidedly. He has ordered to begin Birubai’s memorial at Mahuli. He is saying he would go to visit Pratapgad. He might also go to Jejuri if possible. Babuji Naik was going to visit for a meeting, but he was refused.”

In 1748, Purandare wrote to the Peshwa, “Younger queen was down with fever caused by headache for one or two days. Presently fever remains, and head also aches. She cannot speak. She has become extremely dismayed. The Vaidya says that this illness does not seem to be abating quickly. She gets extremely frightened. If the illness does not recover, the Swami will have to come. We keep visiting every day. She has become very weak.”

A report on 23 June 1748 read, “Rajashree Swami was planning to return after completing the Medha campaign. But the illness of Ramoji Shirke posed a huge challenge. So, he arrived at Old Kalamb along with the forces. He stayed for ten to fifteen days there. After that, the monsoon began its business in the extreme. Maharaj entered the village. We too were with him. He (Ramoji Shirke) displayed immense detachment. Maharaj finished the protocol ceremony, feast, inquiries of the ill Ramojibaba, and returned to the army camp. The river began flowing to the brim. Both took leave of each other one day. Thereafter, it was decided to stay at Godoli. There, a special room was appointed for privacy. A common thatched roof hut has been appointed for himself. Accordingly, as per everybody’s position and out of respect for him, all have built their own places of stay made of thatched roof only. However, Devraoji keeps him constant company. While the diagnostic treatment was on, Ramojibaba proceeded to his creator on the sixth night. He was carried to Mahuli like that. The four auspicious months are to be spent at Godoli. The Swami desires to install proper roofs. Hunting is second nature. The queen is at home in her mansion for the past ten days. She keeps visiting twice. Whatever political and religious discussions take place, are anyways conveyed regularly to the Swami. The son has the plan of the Carnatic in his heart.” After this, on 25 August 1748, Sagunabai died.

To be continued…

IN A FLUX

The failure of Babuji Naik was not just due to his own faults. He had detractors from within the Maratha fold, including the Peshwa himself. Not only did the Peshwa prove to be sufficient for Babuji Naik and Sambhaji II, but he also rendered powerful men like Raghuji Bhosale and Murarrao Ghorpade completely harmless. The Peshwa’s trusted lieutenants were working on this task sitting at their courts continuously. Whether it was Raghuji or Murarrao, both realised the situation correctly, did not allow anybody outside to fathom their hearts, and kept behaving as the events unfolded. Since they completely recognised the Peshwa’s strength, they never took it upon themselves to oppose him.

Nanasaheb returned to Satara in August 1748. By then, two stalwarts on the Indian scene had departed from the scene. Mohammedshah died before the victorious army from Manupur could return to Delhi. His son Ahmedshah was declared the new Badshah, with Mansoor Ali Khan Safdarjung appointed as the new Vazir. The Nizam-ul-Mulk died on 21 May 1748 at Burhanpur. He had, in twenty-four turbulent years in the Deccan, managed to survive and control the narrative of the politics in the peninsula. Despite the strength of the Marathas and their victories over him, he had astutely avoided being removed from his perch. The crisis during Nadir Shah’s invasion had placed him in real danger. However, with his cleverness and patience, he had extricated himself from the most difficult situations. His death, however, threw up yet another succession dispute after Jaipur.

On his way back from the north, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung, perhaps in July or August 1748. A letter from the Nizam’s court to Sadashivrao Bhau dated October 1748 gives more details, “The Nizam has met Rajashree Pradhanpant. The Nawab has given four lakh rupees to him for expenses. Treasure laden on thirty camels came to the Pradhanpant.”

After Nizam-ul-Mulk died, in the month of October 1748, Nanasaheb met Naseer Jung and established friendly relations with him. The death of rulers of Jaipur and Hyderabad unleashed a race for succession due to a surfeit of claimants. In the case of the Marathas, Shahu not having a legitimate son, and getting on in years, had not found an answer to the vexed question of succession. His queens, and the dowager queen Tarabai – now nearing seventy and living at Satara – and a host of Maratha Sardars and intriguing ministers began to influence the succession. The struggle involved a concern for the royal lineage, the house of Kolhapur, the caste-divide of the Brahmins, Marathas and other castes, and to top it all, a descendant of the royal house of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj brought up in obscurity. Eventually, this was to occupy two full years of Nanasaheb’s reign when huge political changes were sweeping over the rest of the country.

On hearing the death of Mohammedshah and the Nizam, Dupleix felt the Marathas would grow stronger. He said to Ananda Ranga Pillai, “There will be war and the Marathas will grow still stronger. Since the Nawab of Bengal died, the Marathas have seized his brother and are ruling the whole of Bengal. They will do the same here. These things are pre-ordained; the Badshah at Delhi has died and many have perished for no reason at all and there is confusion. We shall see the same things in these parts next.”

Ananda Ranga replied, “Is so much evil awaiting us?”

The coming years would answer Ananda Ranga Pillai’s question.

The Peshwa had consolidated his plans outside by excellently maintaining all his external relations. Bhausaheb had established a permanent bond of friendship with Murarrao in the Carnatic campaign. The Pratinidhi, Sawants etc. fought with Tulaji Angre at Mudagad. In it, Sambhaji II insisted with Murarrao to help Tulaji. But he did not play any role in that affair. Overall, each and every influential person stayed glued to their spot towards Shahu’s end of days.

The discerning people all over the kingdom were watching what plan Shahu decided. A general feeling spread everywhere, that nobody could control the kingdom like the Peshwa, and it was appropriate to seek his refuge. It was clearly evident that Sadashivrao Bhau went to the Carnatic and blew Babuji Naik away. This event portrayed Sadashivrao Bhau’s character in sharp relief, even more aggressive than Nanasaheb.

To be continued…

INTERNAL-EXTERNAL HURDLES

Since Babuji Naik had collected some tribute in Sambhaji II’s realms, Sambhaji II had come to Satara and sat there for five to six months in order to complain against Naik. Meanwhile, when the Peshwa stood guarantor, Sambhaji II left. Accordingly, after Sambhaji II left, Babuji Naik came to Satara for meeting Maharaj. Shahu protested against him, “Due to this, he began fasting sitting on the Swami’s doorway. Because of that, Maharaj became very angry. The mediators keep falling at the Swami’s feet daily. Don’t know what result God has appointed.”

Babuji’s plight brought a letter from the Peshwa’s grandmother Radhabai asking him to do whatever was necessary to save the lives of the Naik brothers. Babuji himself would not come before Maharaj. Eventually, the Peshwa compensated Sambhaji II. Over time, Babuji was given some compensation and he withdrew his fast.

In the month of May 1747, Raghuji came to Satara. In the initial two to three months of the same year, Shahu had become upset with the Peshwa and he had been removed from the office for a short while. One can speculate from this, that Shahu suggested taking away the Peshwa office, and that Raghuji manage the complete administration. But Raghuji and the Peshwa discussed this proposal, and Raghuji did not accept the burden of the administration. At this time, Kanhoji Bhosale’s son Rayaji and Raghuji were struggling with each other. A report says on 1 May 1747, “Raghujibaba was presented protocol clothes by the younger queen. But he is still here. His attention is drawn towards Rayaji Bhosale’s benefices. Once that is resolved, Raghuji will leave.”

This bickering between Sambhaji II and Babuji Naik lasted until Shahu’s end. On 7 June 1747, Bajirao’s sister Bhiubai (Anubai), Aabaji Naik’s wife died, due to which, the relation between the Peshwas and the Naiks came to an end.

After leaving Tiruchirappalli, Murarrao Ghorpade had been staying at Gutti. Sambhaji II and Jijabai invited him to Kolhapur in the month of December 1747 with an intention to break the back of the numerous disputes that prevailed in their realms. Arjoji Jadhav had been sitting pretty with stations like Wadgaon etc. under his control. Murarrao taught him a sound lesson, and settled down Jijabai’s control everywhere. He had three-and-a-half-thousand cavalrymen and three cannons. One of the erstwhile scribe reports, “Previously, at the time of Bajirao Peshwa, the Nizam had supported Panhala’s Maharaj and raised the heat. Similar plan seems to be afoot again. Murarrao’s sweet-talk has influenced Sambhaji II and Jijabai. Baisaheb is extremely scheming. She does not have a quiet mind.”

In 1747, the news about Mahadaji Ambaji Purandare’s betrayal reached Shahu. Kohlapur was rife with such big or small conspiracies. Without engaging in them much, Murarrao went back to the Carnatic in the month of March 1748.

The Nizam summoned Anwaruddin Khan from Arcot, and in a battle against the combined armies of the Nizam and the Nawab’s of the Carnatic, Babuji faced a defeat at Basavapattan. In the process, Babuji had lost the bulk of his wealth in defending the territory between the Krishna and Tungabhadra that Shahu had given him to administer.

The Nizam began his activities to collect tributes from Bednoor, Savnoor etc. Naik, Peshwa etc. people were trying to accomplish their objectives through the Nizam’s approval, without opposing the Nizam or giving him battle. The Nizam dispatched his son Naseer Jung to the Carnatic, but he could not achieve much. The Nizam was getting old and Maratha presence in the south had reduced over the last few years. Since around this time, the Nizam’s health went on deteriorating day-by-day, and he died later. Due to this, the Peshwa began succeeding in the Carnatic.

Babuji Naik’s last attempt to fight for the Carnatic was in June 1748. The situation had changed by then as Chanda Saheb had been released by the Marathas for a ransom and a fresh Maratha army under Fatehsingh and Raghuji had gathered at Akkalkot, ready to march towards the Carnatic. A message from Satara that reached Ananda Ranga Pillai at Pondicherry describes Babuji’s anguish, “The messenger from Satara tells me that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale have assembled their troops at a place called Akkalkot, 180 miles this side of Satara, and are marching this way. When Babuji Naik, who has lost fifty lakh rupees, heard that Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosale had been sent to the Carnatic instead of himself, he set fire to his tents and goods, and has been lying at Shahu Raja’s gate for the last 20 days in the garb of an ascetic, with his wife and another person, threatening to poison himself. Chanda Saheb has taken leave, saying that he will return when he has recovered Tiruchirappalli.”

To obtain some compensation, Babuji Naik had, on one occasion, actually consumed poison to put the blame of ‘Brahma-Hatya’ (death of a Brahmin) on Maharaj. It was an extreme form of Dharna to press Shahu for retiring his debts. Shahu’s biographer says, “When Maharaj learnt of this he said, ‘Babuji did this after I said I will take care of his debts. Give him milk.’ The king then gave him milk and the effect of the Somal (poison) was overcome.”

There is another reference from the month of June 1748, “Babuji Naik (and probably the family members) had consumed poison. Out of all, Aabaji and his senior wife recovered. But Babuji Naik is not recovering. Situation seems difficult.”

To be continued…

BABUJI NAIK MEETS NIZAM

The situation at Shahu’s court was as mentioned before. The Angre brothers had been engaging in whatever they wished like in the Konkan. Kolhapur’s Sambhaji II and Queen Jijabai II had taken help from Murarrao Ghorpade, and had readied themselves up to pounce upon Satara. Murarrao was desirous of acquiring the office of the Senapati with Shahu. Raghuji Bhosale was also extremely shrewd. If the situation arose, he was desirous of acquiring the office of the Chhatrapati for his son. Shinde and Holkar had brought over them a new risky proposition by intervening in the Rajput war in the north. Nizam-ul-Mulk and his sons had been keeping busy in the enterprise to keep an eye out for the Maratha side to fall weak, and when they could take advantage of the same. Shahu himself had to lie down in his bed, and hearing all the news report from various places, would get frightened to the core. The worry that the Peshwa should not move away from him even for an hour, if he went away, he would not survive, would not allow him to stay calm.

So many people had begun requesting Shahu about the Carnatic, that he fell into complete consternation in resolving their disputes. The Peshwa began a project through his secret plan to flatly deny anybody else any benefit from the Carnatic. Since both the queens insisted for their own candidates, the affair became further complicated. Babuji Naik had not given up his quest for a foothold in the Carnatic, went on a protest fast, and generated sympathy for himself in Shahu’s heart. Since all of them complained against the Peshwa, Shahu too opposed him.

Towards the end of 1745, Babuji Naik embarked on the second campaign to the Carnatic with Maharaj’s permission. From December 1745 onwards, the Nizam began getting news about the progress of this army. He sent some of his lieutenants to face the challenge, and the early months of 1746 were spent in this manner. To arrest Naik’s advance, the Nizam dispatched his forces towards the Carnatic under his son Naseer Jung. By the end of February 1746, Babuji began seeking help to face the Nizam’s armies marching against him. Naik established friendship with the Pratinidhi and secured his help. The Peshwa’s assistants Nago Ram stayed at Aurangabad, Raghunath Ganesh stayed with the Nizam’s army campaign, and kept trying to foil Naik’s activities. After the onset of the monsoon, a meeting was arranged between Babuji and the Nizam. Naik met the Nizam and demanded the control over Arcot, which had not been handed over before.

In the month of April 1746, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “We and the whole army remained at home in the current year. Constantly faced the creditors. If we thought of taking out a fresh loan, nobody had the money. So, collect the annual revenues and quickly dispatch some money. You are already aware of the overall status of things here. About reports at court, it is only the first day today. Sambhajiraje has got stuck on the issue of Babuji Naik. So, Rajashree Swami ordered us to stand guarantor. We have accepted it. Sambhajiraje was given leave to depart on 20 August 1746. He was given two elephants, five horses, one sword, and four protocol garments. He will march-off in one or two days.”

A Marathi letter of July 1746 from Nago Ram to the Peshwa’s cousin Sadashivrao Bhau shows the state Babuji was in at that time, “Babuji and Aabaji (his brother) met the Nizam and said that they had not received the Chauth of Arcot and asked for at least a lakh of rupees. They also asked the Nizam to grant a Jagir and they will render service in lieu of it.  They also asked for the income from the Carnatic for the following year, in advance.

“Then the Nawab replied that the Arcot amount will be paid there itself. He said that he will give orders for other payments, however, they too will be paid at those places. And how could he pay the amount due for next year from the Carnatic? The Nizam told them to go to Satara and obtain entitlements, then he will do the needful. ‘You have many enemies at Satara’, he told them. in this manner, he spoke sweet words. Babuji was extremely disappointed. On return to his camp he thought he will severely remonstrate and obtain something from the Nizam. He thought he will perform same kind of Dharna he performed at Pune and Satara. Then, a few counselled him saying, you will only make a spectacle of yourself. He is extremely stressed due to lack of funds. He is unable to get any loans. He sold some utensils to raise money. He is giving bonds to his debtors on the income of Arcot. The income is just over three lakhs, but he has already issued bonds of over six. In this manner, he spends his days.”

On the way back, Babuji looted some Parganas of Chhatrapati Sambhaji II of Kolhapur, and this was the reason in 1746 that Sambhajiraje had come to Satara seeking compensation. The Peshwa, who was in Satara, was asked to resolve Sambhaji II’s complaint against Babuji. Sambhaji II stayed at Satara for five to six months. In that period, Sambhaji II came to know about the discussions taking place there with respect to the future setup, and the investigations for an heir in Ramraja. In this relation, since the secret agreement between Sambhaji II and the Peshwa had still held, due to which Sambhaji II and Jijabai were carefree. In many of the letters they wrote to the Peshwa in the next ten years, they seem to have reminded him of this same agreement. Queen Sakwarbai already favoured Sambhaji II. At that time nobody much anticipated that Tarabai would prop-up Ramraja in a completely unexpected move. But in due course of time, due to this introduction of Ramraja the other claimants fell behind. At the time of Shahu’s death too, while Sakwarbai was committing Sati, she instructed everyone passionately to install Sambhaji II on the throne, and not bring about a completely foolhardy appointment.

To be continued…

DOMESTIC ISSUES

Having secured Gujarat, Malwa, and Bundelkhand from the Mughal Badshah, and having mended relations with Raghuji Bhosale, Nanasaheb now looked to the south. The year 1746, was mostly spent by Nanasaheb at Satara. He described the whole situation there to Ramchandrababa on 21 October 1746 as follows, “We have written about the happenings at court to the Sardars, from which you will understand. The reason for us being held up at court till today is, Rajashree Swami’s government has become debt-ridden. The expenses of the queens are limitless, the situation being rendered like a pauper always. Therefore, Rajashree has issued strict instructions to all his stewards about tightening the strings.

“Rajashree Swami is busy in household affairs. He himself should give us leave to embark on campaign. But he remains busy in his own things. When we think of requesting to grant us the permission to leave, he would get upset. So, we have not discussed with him till today. The thing has been left neglected like this. We are also thinking of leaving from here. Looking for the right opportunity and the Swami’s mental state, we will request the same. But we don’t feel like this year we will be able to visit (north). We don’t even know how many more days it will take to secure the permission to leave. After getting this permission and returning to Pune, we will need to take care of some administrative affairs in Konkan.”

Shripatrao Pratinidhi, a close friend and confidante of Shahu, passed away on 25 November 1746. Shahu was especially fond of him. Losing his very old and especially close colleague caused Shahu extreme grief. He began feeling that he was also at the end of his days. Pratinidhi’s wife Radhabai was a devoted wife and committed Sati. Shripatrao was childless. So, Shahu gave the office of the Pratinidhi to his younger brother Jagjivanrao alias Dadoba on 17 December 1746. Yamaji Shivdeo was appointed as his Mutalik (representative). This Yamaji Shivdeo became a staunch opponent of the Peshwa.

Naro Ram Mantri too died after Shahu in 1750. Thus, even while Nanasaheb wished to go to Malwa and Bundelkhand, due to Shahu’s failing health, he was stuck at Satara. Shahu had remained worried that if Nanasaheb left, what would happen with him in Nanasaheb’s absence. In the face of the burden of debt and the issues of his queens, Nanasaheb was his only support. Shahu was completely convinced at that time, that at least Nana was capable of surviving through each and every type of situation, and he did not have a single person equalling Nana. Two months after the above letter, Nanasaheb wrote another letter to Ramchandrababa, “We have already written about the courtly affairs and about Rajashree Shripatrao’s death. Both the mansions have acquired great power. How extensively should one write about that! We are pushing things ahead with whatever tact we can think of. Sometimes we also have to just listen. Sometimes we have to just say yes. Things are moving in this direction here.”

Both of Shahu’s queens would act within the remit drawn up for them by Birubai. The eldest queen Sakwarbai was of a fierce nature. The two queens also had their own favourites among the Sardars– Raghuji was the favourite of the younger Sagunabai and Babuji Naik was favoured by the elder Sakwarbai. The queens’ considerable influence on Shahu decided on the award of Mokasas (territories to the Sardars to sustain their armies). Sakwarbai started getting Maharaj grant her various benefices and assignments and began managing them. Younger queen Sagunabai also then granted benefices and assignments. She would act as per Maharaj’s orders and would take care of his satisfaction. The elder queen was of delicate health. They began to insist upon being treated equally. Whatever was granted to one, that was being demanded in equal measure by the other. The Peshwa’s Mutalik in Satara, Mahadoba Purandare, often counselled the Peshwa about the way the wind was blowing and tried to put his case before Maharaj to the best of his ability. Shahu himself was quite unable to get the queens to stay out of his administration.

Various complainants and applicants from the city began trying to use the influence of these queens. They began depositing the revenue collections from towns etc. with whoever they were aligned with. They began buying Watan rights from the queens. This caused great consternation for Maharaj.

To be continued…

SHADOW OF DEPRESSION

In his later years, Shahu suffered from a degree of loneliness. Gangadhar Swami Chafalkar died while staying at Satara on 26 November 1734. His son Lakshmanbaba became the chief of the monastery. Maharaj himself went to Chafal to attend the Ramnavami festival to resolve the disputes that arose at the time. He resolved the problems there, halted for a few days, partook in the Prasad (offering blessed by the deity distributed to devotees as a blessing) and returned.

The failure of Babuji Naik in the Carnatic rankled Maharaj. But in his old age, he was not able to resolve the growing dissensions within the Maratha fold. His own household was equally divided as his queens quarrelled with each other. Shahu’s elder queen was Sakwarbai and the younger was Sagunabai. They both contested for the attention of Maharaj, who, with advancing years was quite unable to resolve their mutual disputes. Shahu sorely missed Birubai, who although not his married wife, had looked after his household for long and kept the two queens in check. Birubai fell ill and died on 24 December 1740. Her death was a major loss to him. Since then, the ‘senior Wada (mansion)’ and the ‘junior Wada (mansion)’ of the two queens began to jockey for greater influence in the administrative and political fields.

Jiwaji Khanderao Chitnis had already died on 6 January 1743. This way, the whole previous generation had slowly vanished due to which Shahu grew more and more depressed.

Maharaj had a favourite elephant named Madari. Even while he remained in a rut all the time, he would never harm anybody. This way, he was a virtual precious stone for the kingdom. He escaped one night, went outside, fell into a well in the Shanwar area of the city and died. Maharaj became very sad on this account. He felt utterly despondent that his fortunes had turned, he was old, without a child, Sambhajiraje (Kolhapur) too had grown old, and he too did not have any child.

Shahu’s health had further deteriorated since 1743. At that time, he was 61 years old. In the summer of that year from 13 May 1743 up to 20 June 1743, his disease had especially worsened. Due to this reason, the Peshwa had to immediately return to Satara from his Prayag campaign. But this ailment was completely cured very soon. On 25 May 1743, “(Maharaj) attended court for the first time, when many people presented him with gifts.”

People were satisfied. Still, this illness was an initial indication of Shahu’s failing health. Even though Shahu got a fresh lease of life for six more years, he did not have an heir. Due to this, he himself and the overall Maratha leadership became extremely concerned hereafter about the future arrangement, and everybody’s attention was drawn towards deciding the future set up. Of course, to that extent, the external activities of the Peshwa and other Sardars outside Maharashtra saw a decline. This period was of a unified administration. The kingdom’s fortunes, good or bad, depended upon the capability of one chief executive. Therefore, since 1743-44 up to one or two years after Shahu’s death, the attention of his Sardars was drawn to the internal events taking place at the capital. This certainly caused the kingdom’s growth some harm in a small measure. Nanasaheb’s own heart fell into a dilemma due to Shahu’s failing health, and secret conspiracies at the capital, and the flights of fancy his courage had achieved in the Prayag campaign, became a lot softer in the following nine to ten years. His external activities again saw a high-tide from 1752-53. From this perspective of external affairs, the period from 1743 up to 1752 should be considered silent. Many huge events occurred during this period. Nadir Shah died, due to which Ahmedshah Abdali grew in stature. Delhi’s Badshah and Nizam-ul-Mulk died. But the Peshwa did not have the freedom to make correct use of these opportunities. Shinde and Holkar intervened in the Rajput disputes, due to which the friendly relations between the Marathas and the Rajputs were permanently broken. Overall, the set up that Bajirao had established in the northern administration, Nanasaheb could not take care of the same, the balance was disturbed, and it finally resulted in the battle of Panipat.

There was a huge difference between the situations that Bajirao and Nanasaheb faced. During Bajirao’s time, Shahu’s health was excellent, and most of the activities in the kingdom used to be done with his orders. But as mentioned above, since 1746, Nanasaheb was chased down by a huge concern about Shahu’s health and the future probable events, apart from the ones already on his plate about the external affairs. Due to reasons like Shahu’s failing health, the disputes amongst his queens, the conspiracies that Tarabai engaged in, and the secret schemes of other Sardars etc. Nanasaheb’s heart remained in such an agitated state, that if there was any common person in his place, he would not have survived these difficulties. But like Nanasaheb had such powerful competitors, he also had assistants who would lay down their lives for him like Purandare, Shinde, Holkar, Chitnis etc. Through their help and through his inherent astuteness, Nanasaheb resolved all these difficulties, and even in his situation, he displayed much success in the overall administrative affairs. For this, however, one needs to understand the complications that had occurred at court.

To be continued…

NANASAHEB’S INTERVENTION

The entire affair was a piece of chicanery to resolve a dispute and achieve one’s ends by obtaining funds for the growing needs of the Empire. Nanasaheb thereby tried to strike a balance between the two brothers. In reality, it poured more fuel into the fire. There was also a divide between Jayappa Shinde and Malharrao Holkar that the Peshwa felt would be harmful to the Empire. Holkar and Ramchandrababa i.e. Shinde took opposing sides. Due to this, the Maratha prestige was damaged.

On 7 March 1747, the Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa, “Ranaji’s emissaries have come here. They are presenting the case of Madho Singh. In it, the main point is, Ishwari Singh had promised to hand over a Jagir worth twenty-four lakhs to Madho Singh. But you hurried to his help and he succeeded. Since the Sardars (Shinde-Holkar) disturbed the administration and negotiations, Madho Singh lost the claim. You convinced Madho Singh to accept region worth three lakh rupees only. But this has been a source of constant concern. Both of them are Sawaiji’s sons. It is not as if Ishwari Singh only should rule, and Madho Singh is incapable and undeserving. If we help place Madho Singh on the throne, they would also help us. However, we are not giving them an opportunity as Ishwari Singh is dear to us. But Ishwari Singh had agreed to hand over the region worth twenty-four lakhs, which he should comply with. Presently, Ranaji’s emissaries are agreeing to hand over the authority of the region worth fifteen lakh rupees. They are saying, ‘Whatever we ought to present to the Swami (Peshwa), we would.’ So, we should convince Ishwari Singh to honour the agreement and hand over the region worth twenty-four lakh rupees. So, do write your considered and final opinion about this matter. In our opinion, Ishwari Singh should hand over the region to Madho Singh as per their agreement. From Madho Singh, we should extract twelve, fourteen or even more lakhs if possible. In this, both parties would fulfil their objectives. Our own ends are also met.”

Upon this, Ramchandrababa informed the Peshwa, “Madho Singh’s political claim is weak, it does not have strength. We will not earn any money in it. People are under the impression that the Swami initially supported Ishwari Singh. This proposal goes against that.”

While in the Newai campaign, the Peshwa noticed the germs of discord between Shinde and Holkar. The next letter from April 1747 displays the Peshwa’s consternation and the real state of affairs, “Ranaji began negotiating with the Mughal Amirs and then submitted the request to Malharji. In this matter, Malharji insisted with us in various ways that, ‘The claim is worthwhile. If both parties act reasonable, the dispute can be resolved. The Swami would earn money.’ This way he has written insistently. Malharba takes special pride in this. It is not as if you (meaning Jayappa by application) hold any specific side’s affection in your heart. You have been serving loyally so far. You have always done whatever the master desired, benefited from or increased his prestige. Only because of that everything went on nicely and the service of the Swami occurred. Presently Malharba has picked up a side. If you pick up Ishwari Singh’s side, you will become an opponent for him. He will live up to his word and stand in opposition. We heard news reports from many people that mutual conflicts between you and Malharrao Holkar have increased. We should not have differences in our own household amongst the Sardars. In a family, there will be such differences. But so far there was no mutual animosity. Everybody had been working with common mindset, and kept working on the plans to maintain the master’s benefit and prestige. Through God’s grace and our forefathers’ virtues, whatever they aimed for, they could accomplish. You yourself have accomplished so many successful objectives. Extraordinary prestige and fame spread everywhere. This might spread everywhere in Hindustan and might harm our work. The unity displayed till today will be disturbed. Great and noble plans will be side-tracked and the British would get a chance to engineer splits amongst ourselves. This is what we feel would happen. Therefore, do not obstinately hold to your position, do not display our internal disagreement, ensure Malharba’s desire is respected, and do what will grow our already achieved success. There should be no wavering from that path. In future also you will execute many things for the Swami. You two are the pillars of this state in all respects. I have no doubt you will do what is right. Both of you have so far taken our advice into consideration and have always planned consensually, you should continue to act accordingly. But there should be absolutely no discord amongst family members. Even before, Malharba has complied with your suggestions, while you have accomplished his intentions. Therefore, the glory has grown. The army that follows one principle, remains unified. There have been no disagreements. Presently, many renowned people are discussing whatever they feel like about the mutual differences amongst the two houses, whether it is in our own kingdom or the imperial realms. It is not like we are happy in the prosperity of one. But through our forefathers’ hard work, our army has been excellent, all the Sardars have been united, brave, capable men, and even if the sky falls down there won’t be any mistake in their valour and courage, so it has been in the past. Everybody praises their manliness and magnanimity. We desire this utmost.

“Presently, Malharba is going to stay back at Indore, and will go to meet Ranaji (of Udaipur). We have heard that you will come to Deccan. So, if he remained back home, and you alone come here, how will this appear to the people? Our enemies discuss about engineering a split amongst our Sardars and wish that their plans succeed after that, that would become possible. Raghuji Bhosale and Babuji Naik met Asafjah at Aurangabad. They are discussing plans to cause problems for us. The Nawab is not capable, but they are just telling him sweet lies, and agreeing with him just to keep him entertained. They say that Rajashree Swami is in debt and they must repay it. For this, they demand money, whatever they wish for. We cannot approve whatever they ask for. Therefore, they speak about utmost discord outside. This too causes people to become happy and they too engage in many discussions about this. Nawab Asafjah is known for his deceit. He makes one person run and sends the other to chase him! You are aware of this very well. Instead, he should be shown some spark to force him to reconcile. Secondly, you ought to think about Rajashree’s debts. We wrote to you often to come and meet us, but so far you have not been able to come. However, in the months of Ashwin and Kartik we shall meet. Let us meet, discuss the future plans, and then execute our plans. In summary, we feel that both of you should come, whatever plans we feel appropriate, internal or external, should be discussed in everybody’s presence. So, convince Malharba appropriately and bring him along. He would give many excuses to avoid coming here. But you should satisfy him in various ways and must bring him along. Once all are together, we will cleanse his polluted heart, the bitterness will disappear, and you and him would behave as before. Meanwhile, we won’t be concerned because through God’s grace you would not think otherwise. Main thing is, there should be no internal differences between our Sardars, and our power should not diminish. Another problem is, Rajashree desires to secure a new loan from us amounting to fifteen to twenty lakh rupees. Since he has not been able to get it, he has grown unhappy. The problems in the senior mansion (elder queen) is always growing. Since we captured Manaji Angre’s fort Manikgad, the erstwhile grace from the junior mansion (younger queen) has also dried up. If such problems and internal dissensions arise, we could still resolve them through God’s grace.

“Reason we have written in detail is, Malharba has obstinately stuck to his position. If we don’t accept it, he will feel sad. He will insist upon leaving you. Therefore, do convince Malharba in all respects, and bring him along for achieving our objectives. The army is sitting at home for two years and new loans had to be raised by ten to fifteen lakhs. It is absolutely necessary that we carry out a campaign this year. That too came about only because Rajashree provided his approval and farewell. We all must meet at one place quickly and then execute our plans. This does not mean that you ought to be told your tasks in writing. You have greyed your hair in all this. In summary, the external people should not witness our domestic disputes. Our internal discord should not become a blocker for the growth of the kingdom. Therefore, request you to ensure the name does not get besmirched due to these rumours of internal discord, and act accordingly. Howsoever that plan comes to fruition, do that quickly, convince Malharba and bring him along. You too are our longest lasting friend. What further detail to write! You clear the suspicions in Malharba’s heart and come quickly along with him. Whatever can be done to resolve this issue, I request you to do and bring them forward for a good cause. Secondly, when it was agreed that Ranaji would give the region of fifteen lakh revenue, then it is not correct to display obstinacy.”

To be continued…

BHAU’S SUCCESS, NAIK’S ENVY

The Peshwa did not stray very far from Satara. He went to Waduth, about twenty kilometres away and camped there on the bank of the river Krishna. The temple of Shakuntaleshwar built by him a few years later was possibly a favourite camping site. From Waduth, Nanasaheb wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 24 March 1747 to come and meet him from his base at Wagholi. Pilaji was a veteran, but not keeping well. Yet, one finds the Peshwa urging, “I am at Waduth. Come immediately. I am waiting for you. Even if you are unwell, you should come. I will not detain you for long. This is an important matter about a campaign.”

The matter involved Pilaji’s advice about events in Satara as well as the news that the Nizam was marching on Bhau’s army in the Carnatic. Again, he wrote, “You should definitely come. The Nizam is heading for Savnoor and Bednoor. Naturally, he will cross Bhau. Naik is also accompanying him. This complication must be resisted. This is Bhau’s first campaign. He should preserve his good name. The elder queen has begun to increase Maharaj’s anger driven by the expectation of marginal profit. The Nawab intends to keep his feet planted over both the boats. Bhau has captured the Kittur station. Now he is on his way to Sondhe. Emissaries have been dispatched to Bednoor. The Portuguese are under pressure. If Naik comes, we are thinking of blowing him away. I am waiting for you.” These letters of March 1747 were the culmination of a prolonged period during which Maharaj was displeased with the Peshwa.

The Nizam dispatched Naseer Jung in Carnatic behind Sadashivrao Bhau. Meanwhile, the Peshwa established contact with Murarrao Ghorpade and began foiling Naik’s plans.

On 30 March 1747, Bhau met Murarrao. Amicable discussions took place. But Murarrao did not join the campaign. He was in discussions with Kolhapur. On 3 May 1747, Bhau camped at Saundatti. Bhau roughed up and brought under his control the whole region from Patshahpur up to Harihar, Basavapattan. Here, Shahu also got angry with the Peshwa and had removed him from the office of the Pradhan for a short while. Sadashivrao’s campaign was a success, and after a four-month period, towards the end of May 1747, Bhau returned from the north Carnatic with enough tribute to take care of some of Shahu’s debts. The successful campaign brought Bhau centrestage and the Kolhapur Chhatrapati even offered Bhau the post of the Peshwa at his court. Nanasaheb soon foreclosed that option by designating Bhau as his own Dewan – a post that Chimaji Appa held in Bajirao’s time.

Sadashivrao Bhau met the Peshwa near Pandharpur. The Peshwa seems to have himself described the overall outcome of the campaign, “In the Carnatic campaign, one has to survive on grass. Less income and more spend.”

However, Sadashivrao Bhau got the first valuable experience to show his prowess, and his brilliance came afore. It was not a small thing that this campaign gave rise to a man with unmatched aggression.

Due to Peshwa’s actions, Babuji Naik became miserable. He thought about camping in the Carnatic. But because he did not have any money, he faced privations. Facing countless problems, he began grovelling in front of the Nizam. “We wrote, ‘If we go back to Satara, we would not live. Nawab should save us. If you agree to keep us in your service along with our contingent, we would happily serve you, but please do not send us back.’ But you (Nizam) replied, ‘Return back. Do not stay with me.’ Since that day, both have not had any food to eat, and are fasting. Nawab has sent some mangoes, jackfruit, and coconuts. He left and marched off to return. At the Kanmadi fort, Naik clashed with Murarrao. Naseer Jung encamped at Shire.”

Due to the competition between the Peshwa and Naik, Sadashivrao’s campaign could not achieve expected success. Since he returned a failure, Naik lost all his prestige with the Maharaj. Both the queens began following-up with him for repayment of loans. “Maharaj posted guards in front of his house. They behaved strictly. Both the brothers fasted until the evening. Aabaji Naik took a poison pouch in his hands. Babuji began searching for a dagger to hurt himself in his stomach. Aatmaram Joshi came there and took away the poison pouch. Both of them went to the extreme and sat in front of Shri Siddheshwar. Raghuji Bhosale came there and tried to reason with him saying, that he would help them to secure the revenue rights in the Carnatic. After that, Naik brothers marched off and went to Manoli via Nargund. They are thinking if Maharaj sends strong ministers and take them back by honouring them with protocol presents, then they would go.”

The Peshwa had a firm resolve to not allow Babuji Naik settle down in the Carnatic. Many others tried very hard to foil this objective. “To ensure that the Peshwa should not be able to set up his own principalities (in the Carnatic), the senior queen, Fatehsingh Baba, Raghuji Bhosale, Yashwantrao Potnis etc. people had been trying hard to convince Murarrao. Babuji Naik had also sent his emissaries there.”

But towards the end of 1747, and the year after that, Shahu lost his attention over the administration. His health and heart grew weak. Seeing that it was impossible for anyone else except the Peshwa to carry the burden of the kingdom successfully, he handed over the full responsibility of the Carnatic to the Peshwa by the end of that year. The Peshwa informed his emissary, “The Carnatic province has been awarded to us through God’s own wish.”

Babuji Naik was driven away from the region. He tried really hard in that relation. But since his chief master himself later died, Naik did not have a strong support any more. Ramraja assumed the throne after Shahu, but he did not wield that much power. In the arrangements decided at Sangola, the Carnatic province was given to the Peshwa with the Chhatrapati’s orders. Naik later also participated in the revolt that Tarabai and Damaji Gaikwad raised against the Peshwa. But he could not survive in front of the Peshwa.

The Portuguese were well aware that Nanasaheb kept a close watch on their activities. On 7 October 1748, the Viceroy wrote in a letter, “Nana is on watch with open eyes to see if we march to the North. He not only made many adjustments to the forts taken from us but also fortified the islands of Arnala, Karanje and many other ports, indicating the use of everything in their defence.”

To be continued…

PORTUGUESE ANGLE

The news of the fall of Madras to the French reached Nanasaheb, who had to be in attendance to Shahu at Satara. He wrote to Pilaji Jadhavrao on 9 December 1746, that the French were likely to attack the British on the west coast at Mumbai and then, even the Maratha posts of Vasai or Versova, “In the Carnatic the Firangis (French) attacked and took the place of the British. Anwaruddin Khan sent an army, but this was also given a thrashing. They took a few more places. This means they might attack Mumbai or even Vasai and Vesave (Versova). Hence, I am sending you there. In Vasai, you can put wet wood with a little mud around the fort, do not send the horsemen to fight. You are aware of the powerful artillery of the Firangis. Versova is vulnerable to fire from ships, so strengthen it with brave soldiers. Our guns should fire at the ships, they may not be able to stand it. Once Sardars like you are there, the enemy will not be able to approach. I am sending (Sadashivrao) Bhau on a campaign to the Carnatic to distract the Firangis. I had written in the past that you should accompany Bhau. However, you are required at Vasai at this time… in the past the Firangi British had attacked Khanderi, but they were beaten back as the fort was manned by the brave.”

The moment Shahu dispatched Sadashivrao to the Carnatic, Naik got angry and began venting out his frustrations in front of Shahu. On 7 February 1747 a report read, “Babuji Naik is at Satara. He did not complete the ritual feast. The thinking is, present Rajashree with the feast, complete the ritual, and only then embark on the campaign. In Bhau’s campaign, there are twenty-thousand men. The moment Rajashree asked, where Naik would leave for after seeking farewell, Yamajipant informed, he would go towards the provinces of Shire, Chitradurga, Rajadurga, Harpanhalli. Upon hearing this, Rajashree said, ‘Let us see what happens.’”

We get information from Portuguese correspondence of the time about what was at stake. A letter from Goa to the Secretary of State in Portugal in February 1747, discusses a possible Maratha attack on their post at Daman. The Viceroy also asked for troops to attack Vasai but found that Nanasaheb had already sent additional troops to defend the place, “Nana has been detained in the court of Satara for more than a year now. It is learnt that Shahu was scared of him in his Pune court and wanted, therefore, to keep him away from the said court and near to that of Satara to watch him more closely, on account of the jealousy and caution that originated from his power. The junior and senior queens, wives of Shahu, had great animosity with Nana because of the dispute of some lands that the queens wished to gift to one of their persons. Nana was unyieldingly opposed to that gift. Nana began to corrupt the ministers of the Satara court by payment of money. He bribed all the maids of the queens with large sums of money and finally corrupted Shahu himself with very rich presents. He succeeded and planned everything according to his desire.”

Nanasaheb’s own letter of 22 February 1747 gives us his impressions of the matter. The Peshwa wrote to Ramchandrababa that he wished to restore the forts captured from Bhosales of Sawantwadi. However, at this time, it was not possible and the Firangis were not willing to do so. “The Firangi is untrustworthy, he must be taught a lesson, but it is not possible at the present time. We are, therefore, heading towards Bednoor.” This did not, however, prevent the Peshwa from providing the Bhosales with monetary support.

Nanasaheb was, for the Portuguese, the prime mover in the Maratha state. Many of their letters are written with an embedded animosity for the Peshwa. The letter further discusses the other ministers of the court, “Shripatrao (Pratinidhi), Minister of Shahu and enemy of Nana died. Naro Ram, another minister, has reached the decrepit age of eighty. The lone minister, young and intrepid, is Nana now. He has huge forces and a large amount of money. He can soon be master of the entire dominion of Shahu as well as that of Sambhaji II, which, put together will constitute a formidable potency.”

The Peshwa had been at Satara for over a year and a half. In Shahu’s court, Mahadoba Purandare was a partisan, however, Govindrao Chitnis, who had the king’s ear, was considered capable of an independent opinion. Govindrao played a vital role during this time to sound Maharaj about the real state of affairs.

To be continued…