APPOINTMENT OF MINISTERS

Very soon, Sambhajiraje secured everything at Raigad, and started thinking about his accession to the throne. Upon this, his brothers-in-law, Mahadaji Nimbalkar, Ganoji Shirke, and Harji Mahadik suggested him,

“The Swami is going to sit on the throne and has parked security guards over the houses of his ministers, somehow this doesn’t feel right.”

Upon this, Sambhajiraje released all the officials who had been kept under imprisonment earlier. After this, on the day of Nagapanchami, Dt 20 July 1680, Sambhajiraje ascended the throne. However, his ritual coronation ceremony took place on the auspicious seventh day of the waxing moon fortnight of the month of Magha, Dt 16 January 1681. This way, the situation which had taken a turn for the worse initially, quickly turned around. Forgetting the prior anger, Sambhajiraje started administering the kingdom on the right track.

At the time of coronation ceremony, it was necessary to appoint his council of ministers. Hambirrao had captured Moropant, but he had not been kept under strict imprisonment. However, he could not bear the ignominy that had fallen upon him through sheer misfortune. All his accomplishments, done in the cause of Hindavi Swarajya, at times even without caring for his own life, had simply gone waste. And in that distress, he died in one or two months after his capture. Until the end of October, Sambhajiraje continued all the affairs of the Peshwa office using Moropant’s stamps and seals through his Mutalik (representatives). Thereafter he released Moropant’s son Nilopant and appointed him as Peshwa. Of course, he had begun taking care of the affairs three to four months before the actual coronation ceremony. Annajipant was also freed along with Nilopant and given the responsibility of Mujumdar. Annaji became the Amatya (Finance Minister). Prahlad Niraji was continued as Nyayadheesh (Chief Justice) and Moreshwar Raghunath as Panditrao (Religious Affairs). Shivaji Maharaj had appointed Janardanpant Hanmante as Dabir and the epithet of Sumant and had sent him to Panhala. Raghunath Narayan Hanmante did not accept Sambhajiraje, so his Amatya office was taken away and was given to Annaji. Annaji’s office of Surnis, i.e. Secretary was given to Ramchandra Nilkanth at the time of his imprisonment. Hambirrao had been retained as Commander-in-Chief. Kavi Kalash who had been appointed as Chhandogamatya by Shivaji Maharaj himself was continued in that office. The moment Sambhajiraje took the administration in his control, he included Kalash in the council of ministers. Balajibaba Chitnis, Shyamjibaba, and Aavji Ballal continued to hold their traditional posts. In summary, all the ministers had either been retained in their erstwhile posts or given different posts and provided assurance. So, there was no doubt, that at the time of his coronation, the atmosphere atop Raigad had calmed down and satisfaction prevailed. At this time, Sambhajiraje did not allow anger to rise, and avoided any untoward incidents through calm demeanour and patience. It is clear from the appointments to his council of ministers, that he had buried his hatred, and taken care to firm up the erstwhile familial bonds of love further.

Shivaji Maharaj had died while Adilshah, Mughals and Siddi had been hitting the Swarajya hard with their attacks. Due to this, even before taking over the reins of administration, Sambhajiraje had to pay attention to the Battle of Khanderi-Underi. Moropant had returned leaving the war with the Mughals in Khandesh-Baglan provinces in the middle. So Hambirrao had to be dispatched on that front. Besides, the troublesome enemy activities in Kalyan-Bhiwandi and Diu-Daman regions by the Portuguese had to be stopped. For this, apart from the force in Baglan under Moropant, Sambhajiraje himself amassed 20,000-strong force, attacked the Siddis from the front, and took care of the southern borders of the kingdom by attacking the Adilshahi sardars near Kolhapur. In such a situation, there were news reports being received, that Aurangzeb himself was on his way to Deccan.

To be continued…

CONSPIRATORS ARRESTED

However, the situation at Raigad itself was becoming more and more worrisome. Fearing that if Sambhajiraje was not taken care of, it will be a huge calamity for her, Soyarabai began putting pressure on the ministers to somehow subdue him. Realising that there was no other option but to fight with Sambhajiraje, the ministers began gathering forces. They wrote a letter to Hambirrao asking him to support them and ensure Rajaram succeeded to the throne. Hambirrao asked the messenger whether there was any other message, and finally sent a shrewd answer,

“Wherever you go, I will be behind you.”

Hearing this message from Hambirrao, the ministers thought he was on their side, and embarked towards Panhala. At this stage, the names of the primary conspirators are revealed to be only four: Annaji Datto, Moropant Pingle, Prahlad Niraji and Raoji (Rahuji) Somnath. Prahladpant out of these, cancelled his original plan to accompany them to Panhala. He seems to have been forced by Annaji to become a part of the plan and was on Sambhajiraje’s side from the beginning. He tried to dissuade them from going ahead with their plan. So, they played another trick to send Prahladpant to Sambhajiraje to try and discuss the terms of a ‘treaty’ by dividing the kingdom into two, where Sambhajiraje was to head the southern kingdom without any immediate threat, and Rajaram, Soyarabai and the ministers were to head the existing kingdom which had the Mughal invasion’s threat hanging over its head. Prahladpant did not accept this, because after going to Panhala, he seems to have thought that he was finally free of this trap of the ministers, and openly began serving Sambhajiraje. The ministers relied upon Prahladpant and kept marching on towards Panhala. Leaving Pratapgad, these people reached Karhad. At this time, a messenger arrived from Hambirrao’s camp who was out on the lookout. He told them that Hambirrao wanted to meet them in person, but in solitude. Both agreed and Hambirrao met them. He quickly realised, that the idea to divide the kingdom did not originate from Shivaji Maharaj and got very angry about this devious action. In that moment, the ministers felt threatened by Hambirrao’s power, and had to prostrate in front of him in all humility. Hambirrao, being true to his Kshatriya attitude, did not further insult them, disarmed them and their forces, and dispatched all of them under tight security of one of his detachments to Panhala. Hambirrao himself happily embarked towards Panhala, to convey the good news that without a single swipe of the blade of his sword, he had been able to extract surrender from the treacherous ministers and they had been imprisoned. When he met Sambhajiraje at Panhala along with his other commanders like Anandrao, Nimbalkar etc. everybody was happy that this Shambhuraja was indeed capable of protecting the kingdom after Shivaji Maharaj. Annaji was kept in fetters at Panhala. Moropant was imprisoned too.

The moment Moropant and Annaji had left Raigad for Panhala, the Sarnaubat, Naikwadi officials there, took the fort under their own control on 16 May, imprisoned the people who were part of the conspiracy, and installed their own security guards everywhere. They sent a messenger to Sambhajiraje requesting him to provide his approval for their action. He dispatched it instantly. Security guards were installed at the houses of the treacherous ministers as well. Thereafter, Sambhajiraje’s father-in-law Pilaji Shirke arrived at Raigad with his due permission and with a sizeable force (of 5000 soldiers) for Raigad’s security. After everything was in order, Sambhajiraje left Panhalgad to come to Raigad.

Sambhajiraje thus arrived at Raigad on 18 June 1680. He consoled Soyarabai and his other three stepmothers for Shivaji Maharaj’s death. He continued to treat Rajaram with utmost brotherly love. Like Annaji had ensnared Prahladpant, Moropant etc. in his conspiracy, he had entrapped Soyarabai as well. He did not even allow her to confer with her own brother Hambirrao. He had to take help from Adilshahi sardars Sawants, who had nursed only hatred towards Shivaji Maharaj from the beginning. All of Shivaji Maharaj’s relatives, the common Marathas, and all other subordinate officials, accepted Sambhajiraje as their king. Without a single drop of blood being spilled, these treasonous ministers had to fall at Hambirrao’s feet asking for pardon. All this proves that it was not politics or stepmotherly treatment at the root of the conspiracy, but it was pure treason committed through selfish interest by one person.

To be continued…

SAMBHAJIRAJE ASSUMES CONTROL

Here at Raigad, all Shivaji Maharaj’s last rites, were performed by Sabaji Bhosale Shingnapurkar in Rajaram’s presence. Rajaram was installed on the throne on 21 April 1680 and the conspirators began preparations to secure Raigad against any probable attack. Annaji ordered Aavji Ballal to write letters and dispatched them with messengers Khandoji Naik and Ganoji Kavla. They were addressed to Hiroji Farzand and Sonaji Naik Banki. The purport of the letter was, “Keep Sambhaji under tight security and stay alert around him.”

It was impossible for anybody to have kept the news of Shivaji Maharaj’s death secret for more than one or two days. Even though Raigad’s gateways had been kept closed for the security, the families of the ministers were living beneath the fort at Pachad, from where the news naturally spread everywhere. The news had travelled up to Rajapur even before 19 April. It had to be relayed to Moropant and others too. Sambhajiraje got this news within ten days. The people he had dispatched to various places to gather some information began returning and meeting him. Even before these people began returning, he had himself performed the related auspicious post-death bathing rites. The spies brought him the news that Hambirrao was not on his sister’s side and was supporting Sambhajiraje. People did not want a young king in a crisis when Badshah himself was about to enter the Deccan political scene. Rajaram had been made to ascend the throne and the ministers were amassing an army by paying appropriate salaries in advance. They were no longer ashamed of openly declaring against Sambhajiraje.

Based on various contemporary news reports, Sambhajiraje had dispatched his trusted men even before 19 April to Rajapur and other places and tried to collect provisions at Panhala. Similarly, he had invited all the Subedars and Havildars in the kingdom to Panhala. So, everybody was travelling there. Whoever did not accept his power immediately, all of them were suspended, and some were transferred. The contemporary letters prove this without doubt. Annaji had to recruit new soldiers by providing them advance salary, meant that either the people around Raigad had not accepted the takeover of the administrations by the ministers, or they did not have their own forces. Since everybody had begun to go to Panhala, the preparations there were in full swing. Sambhajiraje wrote a letter to Hambirrao to the effect, that Shivaji Maharaj had entrusted the responsibility of the kingdom to him. He had asked Hambirrao to relay the news to Anandrao and Manaji as well and asked him to remain ready to protect the kingdom against the Mughal invasion. Sambhajiraje was not even counting the movements by Annaji or Moropant. His view was, to rise against him was to bring destruction upon themselves. If the Badshah’s impending invasion had not been hovering over the kingdom, the ministers could have easily propped up the young heir, disregarding scripture, Hindu tradition, and their own pledges taken in front of the sacred fire at the time of Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation and carried out the administration through Soyarabai’s offices. Not only this, but the contemporary opinion of the general public seems to have been that these shrewd ministers would also invite the Mughals and would finish-off the Hindavi Swarajya of the Sahyadri for their own selfish interest. Therefore, it was necessary for Hambirrao to join Sambhajiraje with the whole army and remove the crisis that had arisen for Hindavi Swarajya. Therefore, it looks like all, including the Commander-in-Chief, subordinate officials, all of Maharashtra’s castes, came together and prepared to check the activities of a few selfish ministers at the top. As per the contemporary accounts, at least till the end of April, Sambhajiraje had only imprisoned or suspended people suspected of treason. The British had begun discussions regarding the administration with Sambhajiraje. Even the Portuguese at Goa, amid the political moves leading to open hostilities between them and the Marathas, had stopped their moves, and on 28 April, had informed their consolations for Shivaji Maharaj’s death, and their willingness to maintain friendly relations with the Marathas to Sambhajiraje through his Subedar. In summary, instead of quickly leaving Panhala, and raising the dust at Raigad, Sambhajiraje had quietly begun to oversee the administration while staying at Panhala itself.

To be continued…

ANNAJI DATTO’S PLAN

Colombo’s Dutch report in their June-July bulletin,

‘There is news everywhere that Shivajiraja died and Sambhaji got his throne. People say, that Sambhaji lives as per his father’s principles; but his nature is softer and he doesn’t have aversion towards the Dutch company.’

The contemporary British traveller John Friar writes,

‘The great ministers of the deceased Shivaji, were at variance about the promotion of the successor. Annaji Pandit, Chief Minister of State, setting up the younger son, and Moro Pandit declaring for Sambhaji, the eldest, who after punishing his opposers, was before the time fit for expedition in the low countries, proclaimed Maharaja, or the lawful heir to his father’s conquests.’

From these contemporary correspondences it is clear that the whole conspiracy against Sambhajiraje was planned by Annaji Datto. Moropant too was not part of it wholeheartedly, and Soyarabai was not related at all. Another thing to notice is, in the above letters, it has been mentioned, that Sambhajiraje was less short-tempered than Shivajiraje, and his nature was judicious and generous.

A more detailed description appears in Shivabharat. As per the usual tradition, Shivaji Maharaj’s last rites began from the seventh-eighth day and finished on the thirteenth day, 15 April. The ministers present there, met Soyarabai on 16 April. They convinced her, that they would get her son coronated, and make her the Rajmata, and they would help run the administration. While assuring her this, they also indicated that she has been blamed for Shivaji Maharaj’s death, and being accused by some, and tried to pressurise her. If Soyarabai really had a part in this conspiracy, she would have involved her own brother Hambirrao Mohite in the conspiracy from the beginning. Hambirrao very easily joined Sambhajiraje without any opposition. Due to this, Sambhajiraje also must not have trusted the rumour that Soyarabai killed Shivaji Maharaj. However, it was possible for Annaji to spread that rumour for his own benefit, and then trying to pressurise her into becoming his puppet. In summary, threatening Soyarabai through some means, and alluring her through the position of the Queen Mother that she would get, the ministers advised her, that they would coronate Rajaram after Vasantapanchami, and if that succeeds, she will become their Queen. Even while Soyarabai’s erstwhile ambition to acquire the kingdom’s control could have got stronger, it was natural for her to also picture the terrible state she would be rendered into if this plan of the ministers failed. It is possible that she felt it very difficult to provide her approval to the action the ministers suggested against Sambhajiraje. However, with or without Soyarabai’s approval, Annaji had already decided colluding with his colleague Raoji Somnath to make Rajaram accede the throne. Probably, Annaji made Rajaram accede the throne even before Moropant returned to the capital on the auspicious occasion of Akshaya Tritiya. So, there is no doubt that Annaji Datto was the chief promoter of this whole conspiracy. In fact, Moropant was the proponent of Sambhajiraje, which is clear from the contemporary references. Moropant was far away towards Trimbakeshwar, due to which it was unavoidable for him get this news and reach Raigad on time. Besides, the Mughals attacked Hanumantgad and the Mughal army attacked Moropant’s detachment. Hence, Moropant had to escape that, and just take a few guards for security and reached Raigad. Therefore, seeing the armed preparation completed by Raoji Somnath and Annaji Datto, Moropant realised that he had been caught off-guard and in a weak situation. Similarly, he witnessed Soyarabai to be entrapped in the conspiracy, and felt a dilemma between Soyarabai and Sambhajiraje. Finally, like Soyarabai, Moropant too got drawn into Annaji’s conspiracy fearing he would lose everything if he acted otherwise. Moropant was probably against the conspiracy to the end; but when he received an ambiguous political message from Hambirrao, he voted towards Rajaram Maharaj thinking Hambirrao was also siding with Soyarabai. He might have also feared Sambhajiraje’s revenge once he came to know everything. Annaji dispatched his orders everywhere. He remained under the impression that his orders issued as clerk would be given equal importance in absence of any higher-level officials even at Panhala. So, there was some laxity observed in ensuring Sambhajiraje was blocked. And Sambhajiraje took perfect advantage of this miss.

To be continued…

SHIVAJI MAHARAJ’S DEATH

The reports filed by British factors at Rajapur deserve special attention in this regard. Because these reports help us understand the contemporary reality from an independent perspective. The first bulletin that is available after Shivaji Maharaj’s death is dated 11 April 1680. This is just fifteen days after Shivaji Maharaj’s death. In it, they write,

“… Besides Shivaji’s death, there is no other news that needs to be brought to your attention. Due to Shivaji’s death, there is a possibility that there could be some chaos in these regions. Many of the traders have prepared to leave the country. The moment they see any huge army approaching, they will leave. Sambhajiraje is still at Panhalgad. Army and sardars have made a beeline to Panhalgad. They have held food-grains in the Rajapur harbour, and all of that has been ordered to be dispatched to him at Panhalgad. We anticipate, that the people in Sambhajiraje’s army will soon take this region under their control…”

After this, these same British, report one more news on 27 April,

“Sambhaji has assumed the administration himself, and has assumed the epithet Raja. He has called everybody serving under him including Subedar, Havildar etc. servants, assistants, clerks etc. to come and meet him. Some of them have been arrested, and some have been suspended. He has sent a new Subedar even to us. We met him. He treated us with due respect and friendly behaviour.”

In a letter of the British at Mumbai, dated 28 April 1680, the first appearance of this news occurs:

“… We have received confirmed news, that Shivaji died. 23 days have passed since his death. He was ill for twelve days due to blood-sickness. Everything seems to be quiet everywhere, and Sambhaji is at Panhalgad.”

Another letter dated 3 June gives much new information:

“All of Shivaji’s kingdom has now passed to Sambhaji. He is still at Panhalgad. He has gathered 5000 soldiers there and has paid them two months’ salary in advance. He has appointed his own Subedars and officials everywhere. Rajaram is at Raigad, and he has not assumed any special epithet or post. It seems Sambhaji will treat him with utmost love. Annaji Pandit has been beheaded. Moro Pandit, even while he is trusted by Sambhaji, is not party to secret discussions. The country is returning to normal everywhere…”

After this, in the letter dated 12 July, the previously given news about Annaji Datto’s killing has been confirmed to be false. Similarly, Jedhe Shakavali has a mention that Sambhajiraje began ruling on 18 June. That probably would have been the date when Sambhajiraje returned to Raigad and held first court assembly. This is also clarified by the letter of Mumbai’s British. They write on 18 June:

“Sambhajiraje has reached Raigad. He has treated his younger brother as his own and continues to do so. In the previous letter, we had written that Annaji Pandit has been beheaded, but that was an incorrect news that we had received. Recently, we received a messenger from the Chaul Subedar here. He informed us, that Annaji Pandit is alive, but is in fetters and in big trouble. The kingdom everywhere is peaceful indeed. It has been declared everywhere, that Sambhaji is the new king. He has amassed 20,000 strong army at this point in time, and it could not be judged what would be his next plans. But everyone says, that Sambhaji is extremely shrewd and wise.”

While writing about Sambhajiraje, Surat’s British write on 18 October:

“Shivaji’s death has been confirmed… Sambhaji has replaced his father without anything untoward taking place. From Sambhaji’s present behaviour, it seems that he is different from his father’s nature and tendency. His style of work is much more cultured and humane.”

To be continued…

CONSPIRACY AT RAIGAD

The Bijapur Vazir at this time, Siddi Masood Khan, had become a friend of Shivaji Maharaj. To save Bijapur from the Mughal invasion, Maharaj himself had sent a part of his army there. Some detachments of this army were still hovering around Bijapur at this time. Taking help from these detachments, Sambhajiraje left Bijapur and arrived at Panhalgad (December 1679). Maharaj was absolutely on the seventh heaven. This has been expressed in his letter to his stepbrother Vyankojiraje. The moment he heard the news, he came down to Panhala to meet his son. He treated Sambhajiraje with filial love and assured him of giving him the kingdom. Maharaj seems to have given the administration of Panhala province to Sambhajiraje and given his trusted warrior Mhaloji Ghorpade to assist him.

At the time of his death, Shivaji had not fixed anything about the way the affairs of the kingdom were to be conducted after him. He had not even debarred Sambhajiraje from any possible inheritance. Actually, Shivaji Maharaj could never have imagined that the illness would be his last. He was just fifty years old. He could never have thought that his illness would escalate so quickly.

As per the information of the British at Rajapur, Sambhajiraje had reached Panhala three to four days before 26 December 1679. Shivaji Maharaj was busy with the battle of Jalna at this time. He came to Panhala to meet Sambhajiraje. To symbolise his lasting love and trust, he entrusted his own responsibility of the fight with the Mughals to Sambhajiraje. Thus, Shivaji Maharaj took advantage of Sambhajiraje’s negative views about Diler Khan. He felicitated Sambhajiraje by immediately giving him the leadership of the campaign against Mughal Empire. Khafikhan, the Mughal historian himself has written, that the Mughal sardars used to say, Shivaji Maharaj was bearable than Sambhajiraje. Khafi Khan writes:

“… His (Sambhajiraje’s) father had indeed raided famous Parganas and government palaces and plundered them in droves. But he had never attacked the hereditary Deccan capital of the Badshah, Burhanpur and Aurangabad. Instead, if any of his ministers suggested him to attack these cities, he would not allow them to do so, through wisdom and foresight. He would tell them, if these cities were attacked, Aurangzeb would feel insulted and definitely attack himself, and then God only knows what will happen in that battle.”

“Afterwards, in the Muharram of 22 January-19 February 1680) the above-mentioned Sambhajiraja, marched off and rode at a quick pace of three-four kos per day as per those times. He attacked Burhanpur with twenty-thousand cavalrymen.”

As per Khafi Khan’s account, Burhanpur was attacked after 22 January. Shivaji Maharaj came back to Raigad before 13 January. As per the British accounts, Burhanpur attack took place after 24 February, i.e. in the month of March; and Sambhajiraje after completing it, came back to Panhala in the month of April. Shivaji Maharaj was ill for 12 days (20-21 March to 3 April). If Sambhajiraje had returned to Panhala before that, he would have definitely got the news of Shivaji Maharaj’s ill health, and he would have immediately reached at his father’s service before he died. But even though the overall army remained in the north until the monsoons started, he must have returned back the moment he heard the news of either his father’s illness or death. The conclusion that can be drawn is, seeing that Sambhajiraje was busy with the Mughal campaign, wrongly assuming that he would not return from it successful, Sachiv Annaji Datto, through his halfway intellect, who used to extract undeserved benefits from his service and office of a minister only for his own selfish interests, who used to put poor farmers in extreme difficulties, and who would always be after bribes, conspired against Sambhajiraje, ensnared Soyarabai and Moropant in it, and tried his luck at introducing a vertical split in the Hindavi Swarajya.

Sambhajiraje’s nature was not treacherous or disingenuous. He was brave, magnanimous, large-hearted, but a little impatient and irascible. Shivaji Maharaj’s skill of taking care of people with various natural inclinations and utilising them in the areas of their expertise was lacking in Sambhajiraje. The point to be kept in mind is, after Shivaji Maharaj’s death, Sambhajiraje simply assumed that he was the owner of the kingdom, which was why, the incidents atop Raigad to the contrary, angered him profusely.

To be continued…

QUICK DEFECTION & RETURN

But Sambhajiraje must have thought, that in taking such a decision, Maharaj was doing injustice to him, was treating him unfairly, and was sending him away because his mind was polluted due to the complaints of his stepmother and the ministers. It is possible that he thought, even though Maharaj loved him dearly, he had been ensnared in the crooked moves of his stepmother and the ministers. Actually, Shivaji Maharaj was such a king, who would never have taken such a decision that could hurt his kingdom or his own son. But Sambhajiraje himself was ensnared in the trap of misunderstanding. One misunderstanding led to another, and in this whirlwind of indiscretion and anger, he committed an unpardonable crime of joining Diler Khan.

Shivaji Maharaj ordered Sambhajiraje via a written letter,

‘You pardon the taxes for subjects, but the subjects here are trying to evade taxes. You have openly insulted the Amatyas. So, I hereby order you to leave Shringarpur and go to Sajjangad.’

As directed by Maharaj, Sambhajiraje went to Sajjangad from Shringarpur (around October 1678). At this time, Samarth Ramdas Swami was not at the fort. It is possible, that he was about to return very soon. Maharaj probably thought that Yuvaraj’s anger would dissipate in the religious atmosphere at the fort. But this change of atmosphere did not much impact Sambhajiraje. Instead, it seems his thoughts about joining Diler Khan solidified further. Finally, with an excuse to visit the confluence of Mahuli on the banks of River Krishna at the base of the Satara fort, he bade farewell to Sajjangad’s castellan, and once he reached Mahuli, he said to the accompanying soldiers that he was going to join the army of Delhi’s Emperor and he would return only to quickly capture the peaks of Sahyadri.

One more question arises here about the form of the agreement that occurred between Yuvaraj Sambhajiraje and Diler Khan. Did Sambhajiraje go to him as a Mughal Mansabdar and servant? What did he expect from the Mughals? Even though the Mughals had conferred upon him the Mansab (Commandery) of five-thousand cavalrymen, it is possible, that Sambhajiraje did not consider himself a servant of the Mughals, but only an independent ‘friend’. Sir Jadunath Sarkar has again enlightened about this:

“There was no talk of annexing Maharashtra to the Mughal Empire; Diler’s support was to be purchased merely by Sambhaji agreeing to a policy of friendly alliance with the Government of Mughal Deccan (Deccan Subedar), exactly as Shahu did in 1718. The contemporary English factory letters and Persian histories prove that Sambhaji in the Mughal viceroy’s camp did not consider himself as a servant of Diler, but as an independent and equal ally.”

There were Adilshahi and Qutubshahi Sultanates still active in the south; while further south, big and small Naik kingdoms still existed. The Mughal project to capture all of Deccan was still on. In such a situation, taking Mughal help, capturing the region belonging to these Sultanates and proving his own prowess, must have been the ambition behind Sambhajiraje joining the Mughals.

Not only was Sambhajiraje given any independent responsibility in the Mughal camp, but by putting him in front, Diler Khan attacked Bhupalgad which lay at the boundary of the Maratha kingdom. Phirangoji Narsala prepared to fight hard, but seeing Sambhajiraje, vacated the post of the castellan and went to Shivaji Maharaj. Khan later cut-off the hands of seven hundred Marathas that were captured in the fort and burnt it down to dust!

It seems, this was the beginning of the discord between Sambhajiraje and Khan. Sambhajiraje probably opposed Diler Khan’s campaign against the Maratha realms. Due to this opposition, he stopped the campaign that intended to pierce the Swarajya and took him back to Aurangabad. After the monsoon, he embarked on the Bijapur campaign (September 1679). In the Bijapur campaign, the atrocities committed by Khan’s Mughal forces over the Hindu subjects in the villages under Adilshahi control near Athni, Tikote etc. helped firm up Sambhajiraje’s resolve to quit his company. Meanwhile Shivaji Maharaj had remained in regular correspondence with his son. It is quite possible, that Maharaj’s loving letters entreating him to remove all doubts from his mind and returning must have played a role as well. The moment he decided to return to Swarajya, without allowing anybody the slightest inkling, Sambhajiraje stepped out of the Mughal camp, and went straight to Bijapur. He must have felt it safer to go to Bijapur.

To be continued…

DILER KHAN’S ALLUREMENTS

Around this time, Diler Khan Pathan was the Subedar of Deccan. Not only was he strong, but he was a shrewd politician as well. It is quite possible that he became aware about this despondency in the Maratha kingdom. He opened negotiations with Sambhajiraje, after perfectly pinpointing the stormy thoughts in his mind, his desires and ambitions, and began trying to coax him to defect and join the Mughals. He must have also created a huge dream-like picture in front of the Yuvaraj, showing him the benefits of joining the Mughals. Initially, Sambhajiraje must have hesitated a bit; but due to constant follow-up by Diler Khan, he must have become inclined towards his decision to join the Mughals. Before joining the Mughals, Sambhajiraje’s mind must have gone through this huge dilemma. His father had left for the faraway Carnatic province giving him the responsibility of managing the administration of the Prabhavali Suba so trustfully. Sambhajiraje was not finding the courage to defect and join the enemy in his absence. While the correspondence with Diler Khan had reached its decisive stage, the messages exchanged among the two display the state of Sambhajiraje’s mind at this time. Diler Khan writes,

“Aurangzeb wants to capture Sahyadri. For that, he expects you; desires to compromise with you. Aurangzeb has given me separate force, treasury and Firman for you to join our side. Why are you sitting quiet in Shringarpur? You and me, together should capture this Sahyadri even before Aurangzeb comes down.”

To this letter, Sambhajiraje replied:

“My father has gone far away entrusting the region to me. I cannot bring myself to hand over this country to you. I will capture new regions through my prowess and that way try to satisfy Aurangzeb.”

This reply by Sambhajiraje shows, that his heart had not turned to stone yet, his resolve to join the Mughals had not solidified yet, and he was waiting for his father’s arrival.

Around April to May 1678, Shivaji Maharaj returned from the Carnatic campaign to Maharashtra. But available documents of the time do not have any reference to indicate that there was a meeting between the father and son. Even if the meeting did take place, the son did not possibly emerge from it satisfied. The reasons can only be guessed. After returning from the Carnatic campaign, Soyarabai and the ministers must have complained to Maharaj about Sambhajiraje. There must have been a meeting between the two after this, where the primary point that would have got discussed was about the division of the kingdom. It is quite possible that this point struck a discordant note between the father-son duo. Maharaj must have thought it to be incorrect to keep young Rajaram in faraway Carnatic, and hence he must have proposed the Carnatic kingdom to be given to Sambhajiraje. This could have been surprising for him.

Sir Jadunath Sarkar has analysed this probable incident in extremely succinct words:

“In 1678, Shivaji proposed a very understandable division of his empire – the homeland of Maharashtra with its long-settled peaceful territory and resident families of hereditary faithful ministers and generals, was to go to Rajaram, a delicate boy of eight… The newly annexed country of the Carnatic (Jinji-Vellore) could more reasonably be Sambhaji’s share, because the half-subdued condition of the province demanded a vigorous grown-up sovereign to keep hold of it, and for such a task Sambhaji was beyond question the fittest prince, and Rajaram was unthinkable.”

The newly captured regions of the Carnatic had yet to settle down. The Madura, Mysore Naiks, Tanjore’s Vyankojiraje Bhosale, the Adilshahi and Qutubshahi Sultanates at the borders, and besides the defeated Naiks-Palegars were to be kept in constant pressure. To do all this, the selection of Sambhajiraje by Maharaj was perfect in all respects. It is possible, that after going to the Carnatic and establishing kingdom there, Maharaj could have realised this, and he changed his earlier decision and had now decided to give the Carnatic regions to Sambhajiraje.

To be continued…

GENERATION GAP

Shivaji Maharaj was not too keen on division of the kingdom. For this, he had found a way to capture new set of provinces and create a separate kingdom for Rajaram. But Soyarabai was asking for the older Maharashtra provinces for her son, and Maharaj was ready to give him the future kingdom from Carnatic country. This way, during the same time-period 1675-76, the proposal to divide the kingdom in two parts was discussed at Raigad, and Shivaji Maharaj, despite some discomfiture, had provided his approval for the same. It seems that the estrangement between the father-son duo began here. Sambhajiraje did not approve of the division of the kingdom at all. Because, for him, the provinces that Maharaj was going to capture in the Carnatic, were going to be a part of the united Marathi kingdom itself!

The senior officials like Moropant, Annaji Datto, Raoji Somnath, Prahlad Niraji, Balaji Aavji etc., who had been trained under Shivaji Maharaj’s discipline also went against the Yuvaraj himself. This seems to have originated in a sort of generation gap. When Sambhajiraje began paying attention to the administrative affairs as directed by Shivaji Maharaj himself, it is probable that a distance began building up between him and the ministers. The feeling amongst the previous generation of ministers, that they were so capable, Senior Maharaj had completely trusted them so far and got enormous feats accomplished, he had treated them with so much respect, and this Yuvaraj was teaching them ways to work, would have been responsible to inflate their egos and later openly express enmity towards Sambhajiraje. Possibly one-off ministers would not have followed his orders or would have complained directly to Senior Maharaj about it, which also could have been the beginning of this animosity. Otherwise, this affair might not have escalated as much as was evident. It was natural for the ministers to have begun thinking about their own future. The person who did not agree with them even while his father was alive, if he became the owner of the kingdom, then they would be left with nowhere to go. This thought must have troubled them no end. It is possible that in such a situation, the ministers feeling hurt and fearful, and the Queen Soyarabai affected by greed towards the throne formed a group atop Raigad. The character assassination that Sambhajiraje was subjected to, must have been one of the moves played by this group to dishearten him and weaken his claim to the throne.

Sambhajiraje stayed at Shringarpur for around twenty-one months. During this period many other events occurred. Shringarpur and Sangameshwar was a home to people belonging to the Shakta sect. The chief guru of this sect Shivayogi had his monastery at Shringarpur. Kavi Kalash had also accompanied Sambhajiraje to Shringarpur. During this period, Sambhajiraje came under the influence of people of this Shakta sect, and a member of this sect, Kavi Kalash got entry into Yuvaraj’s inner circle as the chief advisor. This Shakta sect had made its presence felt at the time of Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation ceremony as well, through their opposition to the ceremony being held as per Vedic rituals. To ensure this opposition did not escalate, Shivaji Maharaj had got his coronation done again from a member of Shakta sect, Nishchalpuri Gosavi through Tantric rituals. At the time of the first coronation ceremony, the Vedic purohits had side-lined the followers of the Shakta sect. All of Shivaji Maharaj’s ministers were of the Vedic mindset and could have sided up with the Vedic purohits. Further, even after the second coronation ceremony, even if the dispute between the two sects seemed to have been resolved for the time being, it seems, it was kept alive. Now, when the Yuvaraj of the Maratha kingdom himself was living around the area of influence of the Shakta sect, and after the news that the Vedic sect’s ministers at Raigad had formed a group against him, it was natural for the Shakta sect people to take undue advantage of the same. It is quite possible that the Yuvaraj too felt drawn towards these Shakta sect people since they had opposed the ministers. Slowly as this initial sympathy turned into attraction, the Yuvaraj could have slipped completely under their influence.

To be continued…

SHRINGARPUR

Until Maharaj’s coronation it was impossible for the question of inheritance of the throne to arise. After it however, it seems that the question reared up. At the time of coronation even while Soyarabai had been given the position of the Primary Queen, her son Rajaram was not given the position of Yuvaraj and it was given to Sambhajiraje. The British emissary too, had given gifts to Yuvaraj apart from Maharaj himself. Sambhajiraje was sitting on the steps leading to the throne, and that time it was as if his position as heir to the throne was accepted in a way. It was natural if Soyarabai felt that if such position was not given to her son Rajaram, it meant that the position of the future heir would also not be given to him, and she felt sad, considering general human nature.

When Shivaji Maharaj had attained the pinnacle of success in his career around 1674-75, he had been troubled by this household discord. Soyarabai possibly suggested Shivaji Maharaj to not keep Sambhajiraje and Rajaram together, since she was concerned that Rajaram was weak, and Sambhajiraje did not care about her. Shivaji Maharaj did not buy this. To avoid any misgivings, Shivaji Maharaj might have suggested a division of the kingdom. Soyarabai possibly suggested to keep the kingdom earned by Maharaj with Rajaram and create a new one for Sambhajiraje.

While these discussions were going on in the house, Shivaji Maharaj decided to embark on the Carnatic campaign (6 October 1676). To avoid any further clashes between Sambhajiraje and his stepmother, he decided to appoint him as Subedar over the Prabhavali province and stay at Shringarpur. Sambhajiraje moved his base to Shringarpur (Dt 1 November 1676). Maharaj gave a trusted colleague named Vishwanath with Sambhajiraje. Sambhajiraje carried on his usual administrative responsibilities there. He seems to have kept himself engaged in activities like daily exercise, archery, studying the Puranas and history. It is possible, that he wrote his book ‘Budhabhushan’ there. He used to behave caringly with people. Whoever sought his refuge he would grant them. People troubled by Shivaji Maharaj’s ministers would go to Shringarpur under Sambhajiraje’s care. Sambhajiraje would provide them support and assurance. Seeing that Sambhajiraje had established himself well there, Soyarabai and her supporters could not bear it, and they began to trouble Sambhajiraje. But they could not affect him much.

There was no reason for Sambhajiraje himself to begin this household strife. He was the eldest son of Shivaji Maharaj. As per tradition and political scriptures, he was the heir to the throne. And the way Shivaji Maharaj had groomed him in the southern politics, he intended to make Sambhajiraje his heir. So, it can be deduced that the household strife originated from Queen Soyarabai. She got the position of the eldest queen at the time of Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation. But instead of her son getting the position of Yuvaraj, it was given to Sambhajiraje. This meant that her son would not have inherited the kingdom. It is possible, that her desire for her son to inherit the kingdom, would have been in her heart from the beginning. It was just that the courage to express it openly germinated there only after Rajmata Jijabai died. It seems the reasons behind the household strife at Raigad had originated not in Sambhajiraje’s misbehaviour, but it possibly could have been in the ambitions and selfishness of Queen Soyarabai and the Ministers colluding with her. After the coronation ceremony (June 1674) Sambhajiraje remained at Raigad until October 1676, meaning for two-and-a-quarter years. In October 1676, Shivaji Maharaj embarked on his Carnatic Campaign. Sambhajiraje too stepped out with him, and never returned to Raigad until Maharaj’s death. Even though Maharaj kept going back to Raigad once in a while, Sambhajiraje did not visit there for three to three-and-half years. It is possible, that during this period of his prolonged absence from Raigad, Soyarabai and the ministers aligned with her must have established their influence in the political moves at the capital. During 1675-76, Sambhajiraje carried out two major campaigns in Goa-North Carnatic and Bhaganagar.

Thus, while himself leaving on the Carnatic campaign, Shivaji Maharaj asked Sambhajiraje to accompany him as his consecrated Yuvaraj, then appointed him as a Subedar over Prabhavali province and ordered him to stay at Shringarpur. One thing is clear that, around this time (October 1676), the situation that had presented itself at Raigad was such, that keeping Sambhajiraje there was more concerning. The relations between Sambhajiraje, Soyarabai and the ministers had been strained so much that it was beneficial for the kingdom and himself that the Yuvaraj would step out of the capital. The strained and tense situation atop Raigad was produced by Queen Soyarabai, and her backer ministers Annaji Datto Sachiv, Raoji Somnath etc. Soyarabai’s desire related to making her son the heir to the throne, which had been lying dormant so far, had been expressed openly. It seems that she had insisted upon getting the Maharashtra kingdom for her own son and making some other arrangement for Sambhajiraje. The previous frustration in the beginning must have quickly given way to a fierce household strife so much, so that even Shivaji Maharaj had had to address it openly.

To be continued…